Studien avhandlar civil-militära relationer med en teori sprungen ur kontexten inhemsk militär intervention. Forskningsfältets rådande paradigm utmanas av Rebecca L. Schiffs konkordansteori, vilken här prövas i en kvalitativ fallstudie med två empiriska fall ur den svenska kontexten. Brister i den tidigare tillämpningen av konkordansteorin adresseras genom Sveriges unika kombination av historiska, kulturella och sociala förutsättningar. Fallen representerar nutida ytterligheter av det svenska folkets förtroende för Försvarsmakten – bottennoteringen 2008 respektive toppnoteringen 2017 – och har valts i syfte att undersöka hur teorin kan förklara utvecklingen av de civil-militära relationerna i de aktuella fallen. Studiens resultat visar att konkordansteorin är möjlig att applicera i en svensk nutida kontext och att den bidrar med förklaringskraft till utvecklingen i de civil-militära relationerna, men också att den är generaliserbar till fall som delar dess grundläggande karakteristik. / This study focuses on civil-military relations with a theory originated from the context of domestic military intervention. The prevailing paradigms of the research area are challenged by Rebecca L. Schiff's concordance theory. This theory is tested in a qualitative case study with two empirical cases from a Swedish context. Deficiencies in earlier applications of concordance theory are addressed through Sweden's unique combination of historical, cultural and social conditions. These cases represent contemporary extremes of the public’s confidence in the Swedish Armed Forces. The lowest score in 2008 and the top score in 2017, have been selected with the aim of exploring how the theory can explain the development of civil-military relations in these cases. The findings of this study show that concordance theory is applicable in a Swedish contemporary context. It contributes with explanatory power to the development of civil-military relations and it is also generalizable to cases that share its basic characteristics.

This thesis addresses issues regarding military conscription within the European geographic area. It reflects lengthy and complicated evolution of military conscription, as well as its use case and eventual suspension or abolishment as a military recruitment tool in a post- Cold war Europe up until this day. Thesis also addresses academic and non-academic debate related to conscription and its development, typology, use-cases while it tries to uncover and summarize principal reasons, why was the concept of military conscription abandoned. Furthermore, it tries to evaluate those reasons against the current state of security environment in Europe, compare them and based on that, answer the question whether the relevance of those reasons is still valid or not. Especially in relation to the fact, that some of the countries that abolished conscription in the past, are bringing it back in form of mandatory military or civilian service, contrary to above mentioned reasons. Thesis comes to conclusion, that the relevancy of the issues with conscription from the past are less relevant in current European security environment.

This graduation thesis is trying to examine the work of the American political scientist Samuel P. Huntington and refers to his contribution to the historical sociology. This work presents the most important theses, sets them into the context, possibly compares them with ideas or works of another social scientists. The first part of the work deals with this author as a person, with his professional life and makes clear a selection of the studies, which forms a skeleton of this thesis. The work is trying to describe concepts, which are in some relation with social change. First of all it means modernization, democratization, civil-military relations, civilizations analysis, multiculturalism, crisis of democracy and crisis of american identity. The work follows the chronology, in which author's books were being out. This is a reason, why the themes are presented in order, in which Huntington was focusing on them. The chronological aspect falls back, when the themes are mentioned by author in another books. The end of the work points out the contribution of Samuel Huntington to the historical sociology and in general adverts to importance of his work. Keywords: civil-military relations, modernization, democratization, civilization, identity, political order, multiculturalism, uni-multipolar system, islam

The diploma paper addresses the issue of civil-military relations in the Turkish Republic, whose nature is one of the obstacles to the democratic consolidation. The aim of the study is to analyze the period from 2002 to the present, in which the Justice and Development Party has launched a new era in the civil-military relations and began working to end the dominant role of the army within the Turkish state and the regime, and its subordination to the civilian and democratic control. The work examines adopted reforms and the current role of the army. It assesses if the Republic of Turkey is closer to the democratic model of the civil-military relations.

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Based on the understanding that Mali and Russia will be unable to contain the jihadist security threat in Mali, this paper explains why France withdrew from Mali in 2022 and why the latter intensified its cooperation with Russia. Existing literature points to operational obstacles and grievances directed towards France’s presence in Mali, however, it falls short of explaining whether these are explanatory for France’s withdrawal, or why France wouldn’t have left earlier considering these hurdles. Through process tracing and historical institutionalism, this paper studies the sequence of events that led up to France’s withdrawal, and whether the grievances against the popular dissatisfaction with the security framework in Mali actually has explanatory power over France’s withdrawal.

本研究目的為擴大詳述目前與拉丁美洲相關的文獻，主要重點在於一些相同特性的國家，並可以普遍的將研究發現適用於其他地區。從拉丁美洲中的一般認知中，將宏都拉斯獨立選出，是考慮到能挑戰國家的負面印象，特別是關於2009年後所出現的政治危機。本研究檢視宏都拉斯民主化的過程，與國家和公民社會之間的正向互動。 拉丁美洲的一些主要國家因相同的要素而改變，也因此有很多重要的改變可以在這期間進行研究。因此在這研究中，發現有三個關鍵的要素可適用於相同歷史時間中的宏都拉斯與拉丁美洲一些主要的國家。本研究的重要性在於進一步了解，宏都拉斯公民社會在2009年之前與到2009年時危機發生之間的轉變。在此同時，也能發掘出民主治理的好處。 這三個關鍵的要素為:憲政工程、軍民關係與選舉，且這些要素在本研究中均有對宏都拉斯與其他拉丁美洲國家的公民社會賦權有所影響。另藉由自由之家(Freedom House)所提出的民主治理檢核表，來了解民主治理與公民社會賦權。 在拉丁美洲中此三個關鍵要素的變化，提供了建置良好的民主治理的可行性。然而，本研究也暗示了未來的相關研究，例如地方與區域性的治理，以及會產生直接影響的外部因素。研究發現也暗示了在宏都拉斯2009年政治危機之後透過了民主治理的好處，對公民社會賦權產生了正向的結果。

This written thesis is a companion to a 30-minute documentary video of the same title. The documentary is a presentation of the historical conflict between the United States Navy and the people of the island of Vieques, Puerto Rico. For over 60 years the island was used by the United States Navy as a military training facility. The documentary attempts to present an analysis of the struggle between citizens of the island and the Navy. This written component presents a summarized history of Puerto Rico, Vieques and the conflict with the United States Navy. In addition, the preproduction, production and post-production process of the documentary are discussed. A theoretical analysis of the filmmaker's approach and technique are addressed and analyzed as well. The thesis's goal is to provide a clear understanding of the Vieques conflict to United States audiences who do not a familiarity with the topic. The thesis is presented from the perspective of a person who grew up in Puerto Rico.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis studies police reform in El Salvador and South Africa. While both countries differ considerably in geographic size, culture, location, population, and economic and military strength, they share common security concerns. Under authoritarian rule, their primary security concerns were not military threats from other states, but rather internal threats due to economic, political, and social weakness. Civilian police forces became highly politicized and militarized, incapable of controlling crime, lacking accountability and oversight, and exhibiting total disregard for human rights. This thesis compares El Salvador and South Africa, two cases of negotiated war transitions. Although both countries faced similar militarization of internal security forces, South Africa seemed in a much better position to face challenges of consolidation. First, South Africa's military did not pose any opposition to police reform because the military and police had a long history of being organizationally separated. In contrast, El Salvador's police had a history of being controlled and directed by the military and they fell organizationally under the Defense Ministry. Second, in South Africa, the opposition group (ANC) rather than the rightist government won the foundational elections. Increased domestic support for internal security reform is more likely as the previous rightist government is discredited. Conversely, in El Salvador, the rightist ARENA government won the foundational elections indicating that it would more likely lead to lack of domestic support. The continuance of power would likely mean that the government would prefer the continuance of status quo to far-reaching reform. Finally, the international community was available to aid in the implementation and consolidation of reform in both countries. However, because domestic support was likely to be greater in South Africa, the international community's ability to influence the implementation of reform would also be greater. Yet, the outcome of reform efforts in both countries was surprisingly similar. This can best be explained by the overwhelming obstacles to the consolidation of police reform posed by the conditions of post-conflict societies. / Major, New Hampshire Air National Guard

本文以第二意象（second image）的「國內結構觀點」為途徑，首先探討菲律賓政治結構的形成與因素，包括殖民與歷史遺緒、政治發展過程、軍文關係、政治文化與其他非制度性因素等，作為內部結構觀點的研究基礎；接著回顧菲律賓的內外安全環境以及近年安全政策的推動與實踐，然後進一步檢視艾若育與艾奎諾三世兩任政府的安全政策作為、走向，影響兩任總統安全政策的內外部因素，比對兩任政府的安全政策；然後透過安全體制革新（SSR）理論概念的梳理，形塑出整合性的SSR研究架構，並整理將安全體制革新應用在東南亞脈絡之下的研究與實務；最後探討並評估艾奎諾三世政府推動的相關改革政策過程，其實踐的狀況與原因，並勾勒出菲律賓安全體制革新的發展、挑戰與前景。