<p>Internationellt sker en utveckling mot att genomföra insatser samordnat med resurser från flera politikområden - både civila och militära. Behovet har uppstått ur insikten att hållbar utveckling i en region kräver användning av olika resurser för att uppnå synergier. Samverkan och samordning mellan civila och militära aktörer enligt syftet ovan brukar i moderna ordalag beskrivas som comprehensive approach. Det praktiska arbetet på fältnivån med samverkan för att uppnå synergier i kontexten comprehensive approach kan sägas innebära samma sak som civil-militärt samverkan.</p><p>Det övergripande syftet med uppsatsen är att med fokus på det svenska PRT Mazar-e Sharif, förstå de svårigheter som finns vid samverkan mellan civila och militära aktörer, med målet att öka synergier av nationella resurser. Med utgångspunkt från tidigare forskning om militär-civil samverkan samt comprehensive approach, skapas en analysmodell med ett urval av identifierade faktorer, för att beskriva samverkan empiriskt främst utifrån intervjusvar från nyckelaktörer – chefer eller stabschefer samt civila rådgivare. Slutligen jämförs dessa faktorer med de orsaker som framkommer i den empiriska undersökningen.</p><p>Resultatet i undersökningen visar att samverkan är svårt och att aktörerna på fältnivån pragmatiskt försöker samverka. De nödvändiga faktorerna inte är utformade för att underlätta samverkan vilket skapar problem.  Att med dessa problem även få en effektiv synergi av Sveriges resurser i enlighet med tanken i CA, genom samverkan på fältnivån, blir därför svårt. </p> / <p>There is an international trend towards operations coordinated with resources from several political areas – with both civilian and military components. This trend is driven from the recognition that sustainable development in a region requires the use of a variety of resources, coordinated in order to achieve synergies. Co-operation and co-ordination between civil and military actors in the context above, frequently is described as comprehensive approach. The practical work at the field level with co-operation in order to achieve co-ordination in the context of comprehensive approach can be said to be the same thing as civil-military co-operation.</p><p>The overall purpose of this survey is, with focus on the Swedish PRT Mazar-e Sharif, to understand the difficulties involved in the co-operation between civilian and military actors, with the aim of achieve synergies of national resources. By using an analytical model, created by a sample of identified factors based on previous research on military-civilian co-operation and comprehensive approach, the survey describe the co-operation mainly based on interview responses from key actors – Commanding Officer or Chief of Staff and civilian advisers. Finally these factors are compared with the reasons expressed in the empirical investigation.</p><p>The results of the survey show that co-operation is difficult and the actors at the field level pragmatic attempt to co-operate. The necessary factors are not designed to facilitate this, which creates problems. These problems with co-operation at field level also could have a negative impact to achieve synergy of Sweden's resources in accordance with the spirit of the CA.</p>

<p>Informationsoperationer utgör idag en allt viktigare del i svenska internationella uppdrag. Inom informationsoperationer sorterar funktionerna Psykologiska operationer (psyops) och Civil-Militär samverkan (CIMIC). Enligt grundsynen för informationsoperationer skall CIMIC utgöra en stödfunktion åt psyops under internationella insatser. Dock är inte samarbetet mellan parterna närmare preciserat och beskrivet i Försvarsmaktens dokumentation. Syftet med uppsatsen är att beskriva och analysera hur funktionen psyops inom Försvarsmakten kan stöttas av stödfunktionen CIMIC vid en internationell insats.</p><p>För att uppnå syftets ambition använder uppsatsen sig av en deskriptiv metod i syfte att empiriskt beskriva funktionernas karaktärer och egenskaper. Analysram utgörs av Cialdinis teorier om påverkan av människor och av Agrells teorier om underrättelseanalysens problematik.</p><p>Resultatet för uppsatsen visar att psyops är i stort behov av kulturella underrättelser om utpekade målgrupper i operationsområdet. CIMIC har enligt analysramen goda möjligheter att genom sitt mångfacetterade kontaktnät och möjligheten att genomföra riktade projekt, inhämta underrättelser väl anpassade efter psyops behov.</p> / <p>Information operations constitute a more and more important part of the Swedish international operations, where Psychological Operations (PSYOPS) and Civil-Military Cooperation (CIMIC) are included. Due to the basic view of Swedish information operations CIMIC is meant to have a support function for PSYOPS during international operations. This function of support is however only briefly specified in the documentation of the Swedish Armed Forces. The essay aims at describing and analysing how Swedish PSYOPS can receive support from CIMIC during an international operation.</p><p>The essay specifically intends to describe PSYOPS and CIMIC individual  characteristics and features. The analysis has been carried out with the help of a descriptive method.</p><p>To create a theoretical frame for the analysis Cialdinis theory on human influence and Agrells theory on the complexity of the intelligence analysis have been used.</p><p>The results of the essay show that PSYOPS is in great need of cultural intelligence gained from the appointed target audiences in the operation area. CIMIC has according to the analysis a good potential concerning collecting cultural intelligence thanks to its well-developed circle of contacts and its possibilities to accomplish CIMIC projects. </p>

Informationsoperationer utgör idag en allt viktigare del i svenska internationella uppdrag. Inom informationsoperationer sorterar funktionerna Psykologiska operationer (psyops) och Civil-Militär samverkan (CIMIC). Enligt grundsynen för informationsoperationer skall CIMIC utgöra en stödfunktion åt psyops under internationella insatser. Dock är inte samarbetet mellan parterna närmare preciserat och beskrivet i Försvarsmaktens dokumentation. Syftet med uppsatsen är att beskriva och analysera hur funktionen psyops inom Försvarsmakten kan stöttas av stödfunktionen CIMIC vid en internationell insats. För att uppnå syftets ambition använder uppsatsen sig av en deskriptiv metod i syfte att empiriskt beskriva funktionernas karaktärer och egenskaper. Analysram utgörs av Cialdinis teorier om påverkan av människor och av Agrells teorier om underrättelseanalysens problematik. Resultatet för uppsatsen visar att psyops är i stort behov av kulturella underrättelser om utpekade målgrupper i operationsområdet. CIMIC har enligt analysramen goda möjligheter att genom sitt mångfacetterade kontaktnät och möjligheten att genomföra riktade projekt, inhämta underrättelser väl anpassade efter psyops behov. / Information operations constitute a more and more important part of the Swedish international operations, where Psychological Operations (PSYOPS) and Civil-Military Cooperation (CIMIC) are included. Due to the basic view of Swedish information operations CIMIC is meant to have a support function for PSYOPS during international operations. This function of support is however only briefly specified in the documentation of the Swedish Armed Forces. The essay aims at describing and analysing how Swedish PSYOPS can receive support from CIMIC during an international operation. The essay specifically intends to describe PSYOPS and CIMIC individual  characteristics and features. The analysis has been carried out with the help of a descriptive method. To create a theoretical frame for the analysis Cialdinis theory on human influence and Agrells theory on the complexity of the intelligence analysis have been used. The results of the essay show that PSYOPS is in great need of cultural intelligence gained from the appointed target audiences in the operation area. CIMIC has according to the analysis a good potential concerning collecting cultural intelligence thanks to its well-developed circle of contacts and its possibilities to accomplish CIMIC projects.

Internationellt sker en utveckling mot att genomföra insatser samordnat med resurser från flera politikområden - både civila och militära. Behovet har uppstått ur insikten att hållbar utveckling i en region kräver användning av olika resurser för att uppnå synergier. Samverkan och samordning mellan civila och militära aktörer enligt syftet ovan brukar i moderna ordalag beskrivas som comprehensive approach. Det praktiska arbetet på fältnivån med samverkan för att uppnå synergier i kontexten comprehensive approach kan sägas innebära samma sak som civil-militärt samverkan. Det övergripande syftet med uppsatsen är att med fokus på det svenska PRT Mazar-e Sharif, förstå de svårigheter som finns vid samverkan mellan civila och militära aktörer, med målet att öka synergier av nationella resurser. Med utgångspunkt från tidigare forskning om militär-civil samverkan samt comprehensive approach, skapas en analysmodell med ett urval av identifierade faktorer, för att beskriva samverkan empiriskt främst utifrån intervjusvar från nyckelaktörer – chefer eller stabschefer samt civila rådgivare. Slutligen jämförs dessa faktorer med de orsaker som framkommer i den empiriska undersökningen. Resultatet i undersökningen visar att samverkan är svårt och att aktörerna på fältnivån pragmatiskt försöker samverka. De nödvändiga faktorerna inte är utformade för att underlätta samverkan vilket skapar problem.  Att med dessa problem även få en effektiv synergi av Sveriges resurser i enlighet med tanken i CA, genom samverkan på fältnivån, blir därför svårt. / There is an international trend towards operations coordinated with resources from several political areas – with both civilian and military components. This trend is driven from the recognition that sustainable development in a region requires the use of a variety of resources, coordinated in order to achieve synergies. Co-operation and co-ordination between civil and military actors in the context above, frequently is described as comprehensive approach. The practical work at the field level with co-operation in order to achieve co-ordination in the context of comprehensive approach can be said to be the same thing as civil-military co-operation. The overall purpose of this survey is, with focus on the Swedish PRT Mazar-e Sharif, to understand the difficulties involved in the co-operation between civilian and military actors, with the aim of achieve synergies of national resources. By using an analytical model, created by a sample of identified factors based on previous research on military-civilian co-operation and comprehensive approach, the survey describe the co-operation mainly based on interview responses from key actors – Commanding Officer or Chief of Staff and civilian advisers. Finally these factors are compared with the reasons expressed in the empirical investigation. The results of the survey show that co-operation is difficult and the actors at the field level pragmatic attempt to co-operate. The necessary factors are not designed to facilitate this, which creates problems. These problems with co-operation at field level also could have a negative impact to achieve synergy of Sweden's resources in accordance with the spirit of the CA.

There are several theories involving civil-military relations that have been established since the Cold War. Shaped by the political transitions of Europe and Latin America, how do these theories apply to the Third Wave of democratizations? How does a more contemporary analysis of theory help understand more contemporary insurgencies such as the Arab Spring?

This thesis explores the relationship between development, Official Development Assistance (ODA) and the military in order to determine both the nature and effects of that relationship, and how the involvement of the military within ODA can be conducted in the most appropriate manner to support development. This study was conducted with regard to the current links between security and development within international relations and concerns that ODA is being drawn from a primarily development role to one that more explicitly supports national foreign and security policy ends instead. This issue is explored by defining development, ODA and the military as separate variables and then employing a grounded theory approach to develop an understanding of the relationship between them. The results of the study show that the involvement of the military within ODA and development may occur throughout the full range of operational contexts in which the military may be employed and can encompass activities throughout the scope of the functions of development. This involvement can in turn create a range of positive and negative impacts upon the conduct of ODA and development as the military serves to moderate the direction and strength of the relationship between the two. From this, the role of the military within ODA is identified as potentially an enabling, implementing and coordinating agency – primarily during times of crisis and conflict. The study then relates this role back to the wider context through considering the management of the military’s role and identifying the policies, parameters and procedures that may help to ensure that this role is conducted in the most appropriate manner for development.

Problem Investigated. This dissertation is a study of the political effects of low-intensity warfare in Indonesia since 1945. In particular, it examines the interaction between general principles and contextual variables in guerrilla conflict, to determine whether such conflict causes the diffusion of political power. Analysis of insurgent movements indicates that power structures within a guerrilla group tend to be regionalised, diffuse and based on multiple centres of roughly equal authority. Conversely, studies of counter-insurgency (COIN) techniques indicate that successful COIN depends on effective political control over the local population. This tends to be exercised by regional or local military commanders rather than by central authority. Based on this, the author???s initial analysis indicated that one should expect to see a diffusion of political authority from central leaders (whether civilian or military) to regional military leaders, when a society is engaged in the conduct of either COIN or guerrilla warfare. The problem investigated in this dissertation can therefore be stated thus: To what extent, at which levels of analysis and subject to what influencing factors does low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 demonstrate a political power-diffusion effect? Procedures Followed. The procedure followed was a diachronic, qualitative, fieldwork-based analysis of two principle case studies: the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-1962 and the campaign in East Timor 1974-1999. Principle research tools were: ??? Semi-structured, formal, informal and group interviews. ??? Analysis of official and private archives in Australia, Indonesia, the Netherlands and the UK. ??? Participant observation using anthropological fieldwork techniques. ??? Geographical analysis using transects, basemapping and overhead imagery. ??? Demographic analysis using historical data, cartographic records and surveys. Research was conducted in Australia, Indonesia (Jakarta and Bandung), the Netherlands (The Hague and Amsterdam) and the United Kingdom (London, Winchester, Salisbury and Warminster). Fieldwork was conducted over three periods in West Java (1994, 1995 and 1996) and one period in East Timor (1999-2000). General Results Obtained. The two principal case studies were the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-62 and the campaign in East Timor since 1974. The fieldwork data showed that low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 did indeed demonstrate the political power-diffusion effect posited by the author. This effect was triggered by the outbreak of guerrilla warfare, which itself flowed from crises generated by processes of modernisation and change within Indonesian society from traditional hierarchies to modern forms of social organisation. These crises were also affected by events at the systemic and regional levels of analysis ??? the invasion of the Netherlands East Indies by Japan, the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis and increasing economic and media globalisation. They resulted in a breakdown or weakening of formal power structures, allowing informal power structures to dominate. This in turn allowed local elites with economic, social or religious influence and with coercive power over the population, to develop political and military power at the local level while being subject to little control from higher levels. This process, then, represented a power diffusion from central and civilian leadership levels to local leaders with coercive means ??? most often military or insurgent leaders. Having been triggered by guerrilla operations, however, the direction and process by which such power diffusion operated was heavily influenced by contextual variables, of which the most important were geographical factors, political culture, traditional authority structures and the interaction of external variables at different levels of analysis. Topographical isolation, poor infrastructure, severe terrain, scattered population groupings and strong influence by traditional hierarchies tend to accelerate and exacerbate the loss of central control. Conversely good infrastructure, large population centres, good communications and a high degree of influence by nation-state and systemic levels of analysis ??? particularly through economic and governmental institutionalisation ??? tend to slow such diffusion. Moreover, while power may be diffusing at one level of analysis (e.g. nation-state) it may be centralising at another (e.g. into the hands of military leaders at local level). Analysis of the Malayan Emergency indicates that, in a comparable non-Indonesian historical example, the same general tendency to political power diffusion was evident and that the same broad contextual variables mediated it. However, it would be premature to conclude that the process observed in Indonesia is generally applicable. The nature and relative importance of contextual factors is likely to vary between examples and hence additional research on non-Indonesian examples would be necessary before such a conclusion could be drawn. Further research on a current instance of guerrilla operations in Indonesia is also essential before the broader contemporary applicability of these findings can be reliably demonstrated. Major Conclusions Reached. Based on the above, the theses developed to answer the initial problem can be stated thus: The command and control (C2) structures inherent in traditional, dispersed rural guerrilla movements that lack access to mass media or electronic communications tend to lessen the degree of control by central (military or political) leaders over regional leaders. If COIN or Internal Security Operations are conducted, two factors will operate. First, there will be an increase in the degree of control over the civil population by local military leaders, at the expense of local or central political leaders. Second, where military command structures are pyramidal or segmentary, there will be an increase in control by local commanders at the expense of central military leaders. Where the central government is civilian or has interests divergent from the military???s, the first of these factors will dominate. Where the government is military or has interests largely identical to those of the military, the second factor will be dominant. The process of power diffusion can thus be summarised as follows: A crisis driven by processes of societal change or by external causes, leads to the outbreak of violence, one facet of which may include guerrilla operations. If guerrilla operations do occur, the C2 structures inherent in such operations give a high degree of autonomy and independence to local military leaders. The same (or a contemporaneous) crisis produces a breakdown of formal power structures, causing organisations to fall back upon informal power structures. The nature of these informal power structures is determined by geography, political culture, patterns of traditional authority within the society and the degree of interaction of systemic/regional factors with local events. Thus the guerrilla operations and the concomitant breakdown in formal power structures form the trigger for political power diffusion. The precise nature and progress of this diffusion is then determined by contextual variables.

Zugl.: Frankfurt am Main, Univ., Diss. / Originally presented as the author's thesis (doctoral)--Universität Frankfurt am Main. Includes bibliographical references and index.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study investigates the action and organization of the Student Movement in Santa Maria, between 1964 and 1968. It takes into account mainly the heterogeneity of this movement, considering it as an area of dispute between different projects. Thus, in the context of the Civil-Military Dictatorship, students were split between support and resistance. The aim of this research is to express this diversity as from the city of Santa Maria and thereby questioning the generic assertions in the media and part of the historiography, that the Student Movement was homogeneously left-wing orientated or there would be a revolutionary essence among students. Based on interviews with activists, research in papers, minutes of the University Board, among other sources, is shown the performance of both opponents and supporters of the dictatorship. The study analyzes the electoral contests in the two major student organizations of the city, União Santamariense de Estudantes (USE) and the Diretório Central de Estudantes da Universidade Federal de Santa Maria (DCE-UFSM), and the action of organizations like the Grupo de Vanguarda Cultural and Movimento Decisão. This division, as it seeks to demonstrate this research, is quite noticeable in Santa Maria, however, is not restricted to the city. Attempts to articulate, both by the left-wing or the right-wing, indicate that disputes reached to the whole student movement in Rio Grande do Sul and in varying degrees, throughout Brazil. The time frame established in this work starts with the Coup of April 1, 1964, initiating the Civil-Military Dictatorship, and ends with the Institutional Act No. 5, on December 13, 1968, which modifies the dynamics of disputes between students. / Este trabalho investiga a ação e organização do Movimento Estudantil em Santa Maria, entre 1964 e 1968. Considera-se, sobretudo, a heterogeneidade desse movimento, entendendo-o como espaço de disputa entre diferentes projetos. Assim, no contexto da Ditadura Civil-Militar, os estudantes se dividiram entre apoios e resistências. Procura-se expressar essa diversidade a partir da Cidade de Santa Maria e, dessa forma, questionar as afirmações mais genéricas da imprensa e de parte da historiografia de que o Movimento Estudantil seria homogeneamente de esquerda ou de que haveria uma essência revolucionária entre os estudantes. Partindo de entrevistas com militantes, pesquisa em jornais, atas de conselhos, entre outras fontes, mostra-se a atuação tanto de grupos críticos à Ditadura quanto dos que deram suporte ou foram simpáticos a ela. São analisadas as disputas eleitorais nas duas principais entidades estudantis da Cidade, a União Santamariense dos Estudantes (USE) e o Diretório Central dos Estudantes da Universidade Federal de Santa Maria (DCE-UFSM), e a ação de organizações como o Grupo da Vanguarda Cultural (GVC) e o Movimento Decisão. Essa divisão é, como se procura demonstrar nessa pesquisa, bastante perceptível em Santa Maria, não sendo, no entanto, restrita à Cidade. As tentativas de articulação, tanto das esquerdas quanto das direitas, indicam que as disputas se estendiam ao conjunto do Movimento Estudantil no Rio Grande do Sul e, em diferentes graus, a todo o Brasil. O recorte temporal estabelecido nesse trabalho inicia-se com o Golpe de 1º de abril de 1964, que dá início à Ditadura Civil-Militar, e encerra-se com o Ato Institucional nº 5, em 13 de dezembro de 1968, que modifica a dinâmica das disputas entre os estudantes.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:39:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5552.pdf: 2395652 bytes, checksum: e2cd03150edac661c1d81345af8dc41c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-28 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / The present research focuses on the question of memory and representation of the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship through the analysis of two films, Pra Frente Brasil (1982) [Go further Brazil] and Ação Entre Amigos [Action between friends] (1998), which explore this period of national history. Our goal was to understand the contributions and limits of these two pieces of cinematographic work as bearers of civil military dictatorship memories. So, we examine how the civil-military dictatorship comes to the scene in the mentioned pictures, relating them to their own production context. We take as presupposition the fact that films are bearers of meanings that allow us to understand the relation between human beings and their historical time. For that we take as our own the Pilar Calveiros s conception of memory and, trying to comprehend the relation between cinema, memory and society, we found our theory on Walter Benjamin s theoretical and methodological referential, as on his conception of History. This author proposes, by the way, that we may think on the cinema s political function. To investigate the relation between art work and society we use Tania Pelegrini s concept of refraction and the Pierre Sorlin s conception of representation. At last, we found on the trauma and resentment concepts, willing to comprehend how cinema represents the relation between the dictatorial past with the present. / A presente pesquisa procurou lançar luzes sobre a questão da memória e da representação da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985) no Brasil através da análise dos filmes Pra Frente Brasil (1982) e Ação Entre Amigos (1998), que abordam esse período da história nacional. Nosso objetivo foi entender os limites e avanços das obras fílmicas enquanto portadoras de memória da ditadura civil-militar. Assim, examinamos como a ditadura civil-militar vem à cena nos filmes em questão, relacionando-os com o contexto de sua produção. Tomamos como base o pressuposto de que os filmes são portadores de significados que permitem o entendimento da relação do homem com seu tempo histórico. Para isso pautamo-nos na concepção de memória de Pilar Calveiro e, com o intuito de compreender a relação entre cinema, memória e sociedade, fundamentamo-nos na concepção de história e no referencial teórico e metodológico de Walter Benjamin, que propõe, ainda, que pensemos sobre a função política do cinema. E para pensarmos na relação entre obra de arte e sociedade lançamos mão do conceito de refração de Tânia Pelegrini e a concepção de representação de Pierre Sorlin. Por fim, nos baseamos nos conceitos de trauma e ressentimento com o intuito de compreendermos como o cinema representa a relação do passado ditatorial com o presente.