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Over the last thirty years, research on the immigration policy-making of liberal democratic states has been preoccupied with the puzzle of why migrant inflows have reached unprecedented levels in Western countries, despite popular calls for restrictionism. A common response of scholars to this puzzle is that whilst governments endeavour to reflect public preferences for restrictive immigration policy, they are prevented from doing so by norms and institutions that are characteristic of liberal democracies. These ‘liberal constraints’ include the national judiciary; international human rights norms; and supranational institutions, such as the European Union. But what of the national legislature? What is the role of this key liberal institution in shaping immigration law within Western democracies? On this question, the literature says remarkably little. This thesis endeavours to redress this apparent neglect. Its case study is the United Kingdom, which is viewed, on the basis of existing research, as a ‘most-likely’ case for having a weak legislature; and in which the executive branch of government has been shown to be relatively unconstrained by the judiciary in comparison with other European states. Does anything, then, act to constrain the immigration restrictionism of the British government? Informed by a novel theoretical framework, ‘interpretive political opportunity structures’, the investigation focuses upon the Parliamentary passage of a single policy: the Immigration Bill 2013-14. Its analysis is based on a detailed examination of the Bill and its legislative process; and on thirty-three interviews that I conducted with key immigration policy stakeholders, including two Government ministers, one from each of the Coalition parties; Government and Opposition MPs; members of the House of Lords; civil servants; legal professionals; and lobbyists. The findings reveal that the UK Parliament had an important liberalising impact upon the Bill, acting to constrain the restrictionist bent of the executive. If the UK is accepted as a case in which we are most likely to find the opposite of this, i.e., a legislature impotent against a dominant executive, then the orthodox view that the legislature is in general a marginal actor in shaping immigration law may have to be revised. Notably, the unelected upper chamber, the House of Lords, appeared to constitute a stronger check on executive power than the elected lower chamber, the House of Commons. This is consonant with Peers’ understanding of their duty to legislate responsibly, rather than responsively (i.e., in line with popular opinion) like MPs in the Commons. Insulated from populist pressures, the Lords invites comparison with respect to its function and impact to the judiciaries of other Western nations, suggesting, perhaps, that in the British constitutional system, known for its pusillanimous judiciary, the Lords evidences an ‘adaptation’ to the marked power imbalance between the judicial and executive branches of the UK state.

In recent years, methodology of new institutionalism has gradually been the crucial feature of the researches on constitutional system. By pointing out the political actors who affect constitutional operation, the context of institution that constructs constitutional rules, and the social structure accompanied with constitutional culture, etc., the new institutionalism even replaces the old institutionalism in constitutional analysis. However, due to incompatible roots in methodology, new institutionalism has raised more and more disputes. In addition, derived from the same origin that presented historically and methodically, new institutionalism and its old counterpart share some assumptions that make it difficult to divide on institutional approach. Therefore, by the comparative viewpoint of old and new institutionalism approaches, this thesis will integrate them into the analysis of institutional change, and apply to the constitutional change in R.O.C. (1947-2007). Through this way, this thesis will base on the design and operation of the constitutional system of R.O.C. and carry on cause and effect analysis according to the historical context. By several specific time sequences of the path of institutional change, include: crucial moments and changes of the system origin, institutional structure and crisis met, interactive actors¡¦ preferences and tactics, this thesis will also plan to observe the starting point, development of the path and assess its prospect. Moreover, abide by the old and new institutionalism approaches are derived from the same origin, meanwhile, the concepts of ¡§constitution¡¨ and ¡§constitutionalism¡¨ also do combine with them, the purpose of this thesis is to confirm the dimensions of ¡§constitutional law¡¨, ¡§constitutional operation¡¨ and ¡§spirit of constitutionalism¡¨ in Taiwan¡¦s semi-presidential system. Thus, by the comparative viewpoint of old and new institutionalism approaches, this thesis will analyze three main problems of Taiwan¡¦s constitutional operations revealed by the president-premier-Legislative Yuan interactions through the perspectives of ¡§constitutional law¡¨, ¡§constitutional operation¡¨ and ¡§spirit of constitutionalism.¡¨ The concern of this thesis is to establish a new analytical framework which could find out constitutional problems effectively, and propose the solutions.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Galderise Ferndes Teles.pdf: 962646 bytes, checksum: 9f468eb5091d8f78d52fd28a9eb7517c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-13 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The present document is the Tax Planning and Anti-Avoidance rules analysis core. In this context, we analyze the existence and compatibility of these standards in our Constitutional Tax System, always arguing for the absence of this relevance regarding our legal system. There are further analyses of the arguments used by the administrative authority for requalification of taxes on legal business, always having na attitude in order to refute any arguments grounded in foreign legislation or not legal foundation. There is, therefore, an effort to achieve a logical and systematic triggering around the theme, adopting and approach of strictly legal tax nature to this aspiration, having in the Constitutional Tax System its greatest grounding validity / O presente trabalho tem como núcleo de análise o Planejamento Tributário e as Normas Antielisivas. Nesse contexto, buscamos analisar a existência e compatibilidade dessas normas em nosso Sistema Constitucional Tributário sempre argumentando pela ausência de pertinencialidade dessas em relação ao nosso ordenamento normativo. Analisamos ainda os argumentos utilizados pela autoridade administrativa para requalificação dos efeitos tributários em negócios jurídicos, adotando sempre uma postura de forma a refutar qualquer tipo de argumentação embasada em legislação alienígena ou fundamentação não jurídica. Buscou-se, portanto, alcançar um desencadeamento lógico e sistemático em torno do tema, adotando para tal desiderato, uma abordagem de natureza estritamente jurídica tributária, tendo no Sistema Constitucional Tributário o seu maior fundamento de validade

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-15T11:43:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo.pdf: 25236152 bytes, checksum: ebbfd38b6beb90ce21a9f5ad41e1d9ed (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-09T17:26:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo.pdf: 25236152 bytes, checksum: ebbfd38b6beb90ce21a9f5ad41e1d9ed (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-09T17:26:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo.pdf: 25236152 bytes, checksum: ebbfd38b6beb90ce21a9f5ad41e1d9ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / A presente monografia tem por objeto a análise da compatibilidade sistêmica e da constitucionalidade do parágrafo único do artigo (art.) 116 do Código Tributário Nacional (CTN), introduzido pela Lei Complementar nº 104 de 2001, como uma norma geral antielisão dentro do sistema constitucional tributário brasileiro. A partir de uma análise bibliográfica, aborda-se a construção desse sistema constitucional tributário, bem como de seus elementos que informam o conceito de elisão tributária, e a partir daí reconhece-se a mesma como direito fundamental do contribuinte. Também demonstra-se a impossibilidade da criação válida de uma norma geral antielisiva dentro desse sistema, por transgredir as limitações ao poder de tributar postas na Constituição Federal (CF). Igualmente analisa-se se o dispositivo referido constitui uma norma antielisiva ou se deve ser caracterizado para o combate á evasão fiscal, concluindo-se sobre a sua constitucionalidade, ou não. Tudo isso no objetivo de reforçar esse sistema como uma limitação geral ao poder de tributar e como direito do contribuinte que consiste na tributação conforme a forma constitucional. / Salvador

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:26:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 angelo.pdf: 652087 bytes, checksum: d411e93e2b6a5d213a18bbc9fdd28bf3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-11-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The phenomenon of the constitucionalization of the right and, mainly, the internationalization of the constitucional law, have demonstrated the necessity of a careful observance in the materiality of the rules of law. This analysis becomes essential in face from that, recognizing determined norm as constitutional, it will have to be excused, the imperatividade of the constitutional normative force, as product of the principle of the constitutional supremacy, the constitutional rigidity, and will serve, also, of paradigm for the constitutionality control. The recognition of the constitutional character of determined norms is of the constitutional document, attributes denomination to it of Block of Constitutionality. This scene has produced reflected in the Brazilian legal system, especially, in the protection of the basic rights, through the Constitutional Emendation nº 45 of 2004. However, part of the doctrine, in this includes our positioning, already it recognized that the Brazilian constitutional system, electing for a systematic and teleologic interpretation of its norms, prescribed since the promulgation of the Constitution of 1988 for the distant identification of constitutional ruleses of the constitutional text, with beddings in § 2º, of art. 5º, as well as in the implicit principles constitutional. Of this form, as the constitutional ruleses are identified from its materiality or constitutional formality, in the Brazilian constitutional system the admission of the constitutionality block finish for becoming undeniable, but some consequences happen of this observation. Of any form, the Brazilian jurisprudence meets in constant expansion allowing to interprets it to always protect the constitutional identity and the prevalence of the basic rights / O fenômeno da constitucionalização do direito e, principalmente, a internacionalização do direito constitucional, tem demonstrado a necessidade de uma observância cuidadosa na materialidade das normas jurídicas. Essa análise torna-se imprescindível em face de que, reconhecendo determinada norma como constitucional, deverá ser dispensada a ela, a imperatividade da força normativa constitucional, como produto do princípio da supremacia constitucional, da rigidez constitucional, e servirá, inclusive, de paradigma para o controle de constitucionalidade. O reconhecimento do caráter constitucional de determinadas normas fora do documento constitucional, atribui-se a denominação de Bloco de Constitucionalidade. Esse cenário tem produzido reflexos no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, especialmente, na proteção dos direitos fundamentais, através da Emenda Constitucional nº 45 de 2004. Entretanto, parte da doutrina, neste inclui o nosso posicionamento, já reconhecia que o sistema constitucional brasileiro, primando por uma interpretação sistêmica e teleológica de suas normas, prescrevia desde a promulgação da Constituição de 1988 pela identificação de normas constitucionais distante do texto constitucional, com fundamentos no § 2º, do art. 5º, bem como nos princípios constitucionais implícitos. Dessa forma, como as normas constitucionais são identificadas a partir da sua materialidade ou formalidade constitucional, no sistema constitucional brasileiro a admissão do bloco de constitucionalidade acaba por tornar-se inegável, mas algumas conseqüências advêm dessa constatação. De qualquer forma, a ordem jurídica brasileira encontra-se em expansão constante permitindo ao interprete proteger sempre a identidade constitucional e a prevalência dos direitos fundamentais

Cette thèse tente de vérifier La légitimité et la possibilité de concrétiser un futur gouvernement ou État islamique, par le moyen de mettre en évidence les perceptions des partisans islamistes qui appartiennent aux deux groupes politico-religieux différents, l'un est approuvé par l'Etat tandis que l'autre n’est pas approuvé. Dans le cadre général du socio-cognition et de l'anthropologie, et à la lumière de la présence d'une croyance inévitable et absolu détenu par les partisans islamistes sur l'état islamique, cette thèse étudie la compatibilité des perceptions de ces islamistes avec les concepts largement reconnu comme moderne , incarnés, par exemple, dans la démocratie, la séparation des pouvoirs et les élections. La pertinence de cette étude réside dans l'anticipation de la présence d'un état futur basé sur la loi islamique, et la présence actuelle de certains gouvernements islamiques ou gouvernements dirigés par des islamistes dans le monde arabe se présente comme une preuve d'une telle anticipation. La thèse, par conséquent, adopte une approche pluridisciplinaire fondée, d'abord, sur une partie anthropologique à travers laquelle l'observation des partisans des deux groupes politico-religieux est destinée à retracer la manière dont l'État islamique comme croyance peut être transformée en un projet d'avenir. Deuxièmement, une étude sociocognitive basée sur un questionnaire et des interviews a pour but de mettre en évidence statistique les possibilités de réalisation d'un futur État islamique avec un système constitutionnel moderne où les libertés individuelles et les droits des minorités sont respectés et acceptés. Les deux approches sont utilisés d’une façon complémentaire pour répondre à la question: Est-il possible de concrétiser un futur Etat islamique avec un système constitutionnel moderne généralement fondé sur l'acceptation des droits de l'homme et des libertés, compte tenu de la présence d'une croyance inévitable et absolue à un tel état, adoptée par les partisans de ces mouvements politico-religieux? Les conclusions tirées de cette thèse, qui servent comme une réponse à la question, confirment, à travers les données anthropologiques et statistiques, qu'un Etat islamique moderne est possible dans l'avenir, surtout avec la présence des partisans islamistes qui sont prêts à subir un changement conceptuel en ce qui concerne une partie de leurs croyances. En conséquence, la thèse recommande, surtout par rapport aux groupes politico-religieux non approuvés, de lancer une discussion ouverte et sincère, de la part de l'Etat, en présence des perceptions modérées d'un Etat islamique moderne, détenus par un certain nombre de partisans non-approuvés. / The legitimacy and the possibility of concretizing a future Islamic state or government is what this thesis is trying to investigate by means of highlighting perceptions of Islamist partisans belonging to two different politico-religious groups; one is approved by the state whereas the other is not. Within the general framework of socio-cognition and anthropology, and in the light of the presence of an inevitable and absolute belief held by Islamist partisans about the Islamic state, this thesis studies the compatibility of these Islamists’ perceptions with the concepts widely acknowledged as modern, as embodied, for instance, in democracy, separation of powers, elections, partisan multiplicity…The relevance of this study lies in its anticipating the presence of a future state to be based on Islamic law, and the current presence of some Islamic governments or governments led by Islamists, in the Arab world, stand as an evidence to such an anticipation. The thesis, hence, adopts a multidisciplinary approach based on starting, first, with an anthropological ground through which observation of partisans from the two politico-religious groups is meant to trace how the Islamic state as a belief can be transformed into a future project. Second, a socio-cognitive study based on a questionnaire, which is in its turn in the form of an interview, is meant to statically highlight the possibilities of achieving a future Islamic state with a modern constitutional system where individual freedoms and minorities’ rights are respected and accepted. The two approaches are complimentary in the sense of their hunting for an answer to the question: Is it possible to concretize a future Islamic state with a modern constitutional system generally based on acceptance of human rights and freedoms in the light of the presence of an inevitable and absolute belief in such a state, adopted by partisans of these politico-religious movements? The conclusions drawn from this thesis, which serve as an answer to the question, confirm, through the anthropological and statistical data, that a modern Islamic state is possible in the future, especially with the presence of Islamist partisans who are ready to undergo a conceptual change regarding some of their believed-to-be non-modern thoughts. Accordingly, the thesis recommends, especially proportionate to the non-approved politico-religious group, to start an open and sincere discussion, from the part of the state, in the presence of moderate perceptions of a modern Islamic state, held by a number of non-approved partisans.

This article is about new constitutional order in Russia emphasizing fundamental areas as the role of judiciary in the Russian Constitutional System from 1993 Constitution, the one which replaced the 1978 Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic Constitution based on communist ideology. Therefore, it is intended to examine the principle of separation of powers, constitutionally recognized human rights and liberties, relationship between international bodies’ case law of human rights and the Russian Constitutional Court, among others issues. / El presente artículo se detiene a analizar el papel de la judicatura en el sistema constitucional ruso a partir de la Constitución de 1993, aquella que sustituyó a la Constitución de 1978 de la República Socialista Federativa de la Unión Soviética que estaba basada en la ideología comunista. Así, con la finalidad de dar cuenta del nuevo orden constitucional, enfatiza en importantes aristas como el principio de separación de poderes, los derechos humanos y libertades reconocidos constitucionalmente, la interrelación entre la jurisprudencia de los órganos internacionales de derechos humanos y la Corte Constitucional de Rusia, entre otros.

Le référendum d’initiative populaire est souvent mentionné dans les réformes envisageables pour répondre à la « crise de la représentation ». Régulièrement utilisée dans quelques États occidentaux dont le régime est par ailleurs représentatif, cette procédure est donc assez bien connue. Pour autant, elle n’existe toujours pas en droit interne, et la tentative d’instauration envisagée lors de la révision constitutionnelle de 2008 s’est soldée par un échec puisqu’elle n’a abouti qu’à l’introduction d’un nouveau référendum « d’en haut ». L’objet de la thèse est de prendre au sérieux la question de l’incorporation d’un processus d’initiative populaire dans l’ordonnancement constitutionnel de la Ve République. Pour ce faire, elle vise à établir une proposition qui pourrait servir de modèle, au sens où elle serait susceptible d’inspirer une éventuelle intégration. Une telle démarche permet de mettre en évidence les interrogations que peut soulever l’introduction d’une telle procédure dans nos institutions et, en s’efforçant d’y répondre, de souligner qu’elles peuvent être résolues. Evidemment, la proposition ne fonctionne que dans les limites de l’hypothèse qui en fournit le cadre. Pour qu’elle conserve malgré tout son intérêt, elle est établie à partir du droit positif. Le droit interne fournit l’essentiel de la substance, il soutient l’ossature de toutes les hypothèses retenues et ce quel que soit le degré de transformation dont il fait l’objet. Le droit étranger permet les alternatives, les atténuations et les créations. La démarche peut contribuer à conférer un certain réalisme au résultat obtenu, et se présente comme un facteur de sa cohérence. La circonstance qu’elle ait été possible appuie le postulat général de la thèse selon lequel la transposition du droit existant à l’encadrement de l’initiative populaire favorise son institutionnalisation. / Popular initiative is often mentioned as one of the potential answers of the “crisis” of representative democracy. Frequently used in some western states even though their political regime is representative democracy, the initiative process is consequently well-known. Such initiative process does not exist already in french constitutionnal law, and the last attempt was a failure since it came down to the implementation of a top-down procedure. The purpose of this thesis relates to the instauration of an initiative process in the french constitution. As a postulate, it allows to establish a proposal which could be used as a model, an inspiration source for a potential real instauration. Such approach makes possible to highlight all the questions marks that an introduction of a popular initiative may arise. Trying to answer those questions, we may enlighten the fact that it could be resolved. Obviously, the proposal operates only in the limits of the assumption that it is at its origin. In order to keep its interest, it is going to be based on the positive law. The internal law gives to the proposal its basis, the others coutries’s law is used to adapt the intern law to the initiative’s own dynamic. This method may help to hold the proposal into a realistic framework. The fact that it is possible to follow this path accentuates the value of the general postulate on which the thesis relies.

Discussion of changes in the electoral system to the Senate of the Czech Republic The diploma thesis deals with the discussion of changes in the electoral system for the Senate. The work reflects draft laws to change the electoral system in the Senate from the past, interviews with representatives of political parties represented in both chambers of the Parliament of the Czech Republic. Furthermore, interviews with experts in the field of constitutional law and political science. The various proposals were analyzed and their principle and effects explained. The last part formulates the overall outputs of political parties and movements, experts and the opinion of the author of the diploma thesis. Key words: Senate, electoral systems, political system, constitutional system, change of electoral system, majority electoral systems, Czech Republic, parliament.