L’objet de cette thèse est de replacer la Constitution de la Fédération de Russie, adoptée par référendum le 12 décembre 1993, dans ses différents contextes de production. En effet, ce texte juridique est à la fois le produit d’une Histoire courte et d’une Histoire longue, d’un conflit intra-élite et d’une somme de représentations héritées des périodes précédentes et reconstruites à la fin des années 80 et au début des années 90. Ainsi, il ne semblait pas suffisamment pertinent de limiter notre étude au processus rédactionnel proprement dit, entamé à l’été 1990. Nous avons pris le parti de tenter de reconstituer ce que pouvait être l’« épistémè », les représentations politico-juridiques, des acteurs ayant joué un rôle décisif dans la discussion de la Constitution. Ce parti nécessitait de retracer les occurrences les plus significatives de l’Histoire du droit et des institutions en Russie tsariste et en Union Soviétique. Cette démarche fait l’objet de la première partie de la Thèse, « La Péréstroïka comme réceptacle, révolution et modèle ». Il ressort de l’analyse que malgré la présence de traditions intellectuelles libérales et d’institutions proto-parlementaires, la tradition dominante, et acceptée comme telle par les rédacteurs de la Constitution russe, est largement antijuridique et autoritaire. C’est dans ce contexte que les acteurs de la Ière République russe ont cherché à puiser dans les modèles étrangers (américain et français en particulier) et les modèles théoriques du Droit constitutionnel (régime parlementaire et régime présidentiel) pour créer le nouvel agencement institutionnel. La seconde partie de la thèse, « Le processus de rédaction de la Constitution de 1993 », porte sur l’Histoire courte, c’est-à-dire sur les années 1990-1993 qui ont vu s’affronter deux camps, tant sur le plan politique que constitutionnel. Le camp du Congrès des députés du peuple emmené par son Président Rouslan Khasboulatov défendait un projet permettant d’assurer la domination du Parlement, alors que le camp du Président de la Fédération, emmené par Boris Eltsine, cherchait à imposer un projet assurant à la présidence une position dominante. De part et d’autre, les modèles empiriques et théoriques du Droit constitutionnel furent instrumentalisés et largement trahis. Entre ces deux camps, la Commission constitutionnelle crée au sein du Congrès des députés du peuple cherchait, à travers ses différents projets, à trouver un agencement équilibré nourri des expériences étrangères et de la science du Droit constitutionnel. Le camp de la présidence réussit finalement à faire prévaloir ses vues, dans le cadre d’une Conférence constitutionnelle organisée en juin 1993, mais surtout par sa victoire politique sur le camp du Congrès suite à la crise d’octobre 1993. Le texte adopté par référendum le 12 décembre 1993, très favorable à la Présidence, peut être considéré comme l’héritier de ce conflit, mais également en partie comme l’héritier des traditions politiques russes et soviétiques. / The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the Constitution of the Russian Federation passed by referendum on 12 December 1993, in its various contexts of production. Indeed, this legal text is both the result of a short history and of a long history, of an intra-elite conflict and of an amount of representations, inherited from the past and rebuilt at the end of the 80’s and at the beginning of the 90’s. We chose to attempt to reconstruct what has been the « épistémè », the legal and political representations of the key actors of the constitutional discussions. This choice made it necessary to recount the most significant facts and conceptions of the legal and institutional history of Tsarist Russia and Soviet Union. This approach is found in the first part of this dissertation, « Perestroika as a recipient, a revolution and a model ». It appears that despite the existence of liberal traditions and proto-parliamentary institutions, the dominant tradition, granted as such by the drafters of the Russian Constitution, is basically anti-juridical and authoritarian. It is in this context that the actors of the first Russian Republic tried to use foreign patterns (mostly American and French) and the theoretical patterns of Constitutional law (parliamentary regime and presidential regime) in order to create the new institutional design. The second part of the dissertation, « The redaction process of the Constitution of 1993 », deals with short history, that is years the 1990-1993 during which two sides challenged each other, both on a political and on constitutional grounds. The side of the Congress of People’s Deputies led by its President, Ruslan Khasbulatov, promoted a project of Parliament domination, while the side of the President of the Federation promoted a project of President domination. On both sides, empirical and theoretical patterns of constitutional law were exploited and their true meanings betrayed. Between these two sides, the Constitutional Commission created by the Congress of People’s Deputies, through its several drafts, tried to find a balanced design on the basis of foreign patterns and of the science of constitutional law. Finally, on the side of the President there was success in making its conceptions prevail, within a Constitutional Conference organized in June 1993, but mainly through its political victory of October 1993. The text passed on 12 December 1993, very much in favor of the Presidency, can be considered as the heir of this conflict, but as well partly as the heir of Russian and Soviet political traditions.

protein chemistry, unnatural amino acids, chemical biology, proteomicsThe foundation of political societies is a central theme in Rousseau's work. This is no surprise coming from a man who was born into a people who had their own celebrated founder and foundations, and immersed himself in the writings of classical republicans and the quasi-mythical histories of ancient city-states where the heroic lawgiver played an important and legitimate role in political foundations. However, Rousseau's propositional political writings (those written for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland) have been accused of being unsystematic and running the spectrum from conservative and prudent to radical and utopian. It is this seeming incongruence which is the subject of this thesis. In particular, it is argued that this confusion is born out the failure to recognize a systematic distinction between "founding" and "re-founding" political societies in both the history of political thought, and Rousseau's own work (a distinction in Rousseau which has rarely been noted, let alone treated to a study of its own). By recognizing this distinction one can identify two Rousseaus; the conservative and prudent thinker who is wary of making changes to established political systems and constitutional foundations (the re-founder), and the radical democrat fighting for equality, and claiming that no state is legitimate without popular sovereignty (the founder). In demonstrating this distinction, this thesis examines the ancient concept of the lawgiver, the growth and expansion of the idea leading up to the eighteenth century, Rousseau's own philosophic writings on the topic, and the differing political proposals he wrote for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland. The thesis argues that although there is a clear separation between these two types of political proposals, they remain systematically Rousseauvian.

The objective of my thesis was to provide a comprehensive survey on ownership as a legal institute and one of man's important values. It should be presented in the historical context and its development should be drawn up both over the course of several centuries and through various communities of people, whether under a totalitarian regime or free. My thesis consists of 4 major parts. Part 1 is dedicated to Roman law and includes chapters on the subject of ownership, acquisition of property, protection of ownership and limitations of ownership. Part 2 describes the development of ownership in our country. Specifically it analyses the General Civic Code - ABGB, Civic Code - 141/1950 Coll. and Civic Code - 40/1964 Coll. My objective was also to give at least a partial insight into the legal regulations regarding ownership in other states. Given the fact that this is an extensive matter, it appeared to be most effective to do a survey of ownership at the constitutional level in EU countries, namely Spain, Germany, Luxembourg, France, Greece, Portugal, Lithuania and Hungary, see Part 3 hereof. I assumed a more detailed treatment of ownership at the constitutional level would be applied in western countries. However, this hypothesis turned out to be wrong at least in the cases of Spain and Luxembourg....

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-06-26T18:13:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo da Silva Santanna.pdf: 3600163 bytes, checksum: 763bfc9d87b2b3f3944c20f94af76cec (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-26T18:13:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo da Silva Santanna.pdf: 3600163 bytes, checksum: 763bfc9d87b2b3f3944c20f94af76cec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-21 / Nenhuma / O presente estudo aborda a Administração Pública em juízo no Estado Democrático de Direito. Para tanto, analisa o Estado de Direito em suas três fases: Liberal, Social e Democrática. Aponta qual Poder orgânico prevaleceu em cada um dos períodos sendo no Liberal, o Poder Legislativo, no Social, o Executivo, e, no Democrático, o Judiciário. Nesta última fase, além do Poder Judiciário outro elemento é determinante para sua caracterização: a Constituição, e sua força normativa. Juntamente ao aumento de poderes, a jurisdição passa a ter mais responsabilidades, uma vez que surge como concretizadora de direitos. A obrigação de fundamentar exaustivamente as decisões é uma delas, assim como é, também, a legitimadora de sua atuação. Além da figura do Estado de Direito, busca-se uma contextualização nacional da Administração Pública, desde seu início Patrimonialista, passando pelo seu período Burocrático, até chegar-se ao Gerencial, com a inserção do princípio da eficiência ao caput do artigo 37, da Constituição Federal, em 1998. A conjugação do Estado Democrático de Direito à Administração Pública Gerencial, resulta numa nova perspectiva de Administração, surtindo reflexos diretos na sua atuação em juízo, feita pela Advocacia Pública. Esta, por sua vez, como representante do Estado, e não do Governo, exerce função essencial à justiça, defendendo, sempre, o interesse público primário. Com a Advocacia Pública devidamente estruturada, independente e autônoma, submetida a normas constitucionais, juridicidade e eficiência, alguns instrumentos processuais civis podem passar a ser objeto de reflexão, como o reexame necessário e o recurso, neste último caso, a (des)necessidade de sua interposição obrigatória. / This review studies the Public Administration in court in a Democratic State-of-Law. Therefore, it seeks to analyze the rule of law in three stages: Liberal, Social and Democratic. It aims the primacy of each organic power during each stage: Liberal, Legislative; Social, Executive (Government); Democratic, Judiciary (Justice). The last stage, over the Judiciary role, is defined by the Constitution and it?s normative power. Along with its increasing power, the jurisdiction starts to have more responsibilities, since arises as a Right?s realizer. The obbligation of fully justify decisions is one of them that is, also, a way of legitimate its actions. Besides the Rule-of-Law State, this study also seeks to nationally contextualize the Public administration, since its patrmionialistic inception, through the bureaucratic period, until arrives at the Management model, with the insertion of the efficiency principle (Federal Constitution, art. 37, head). The Democratic State-of-Law, together with the Management model of Public administration results in a new Public administration, directly reflecting on its acts when in Court, through the Public Lawyers. They, in turn, as delegates of the State, and not de Government, play an essential role to Justice, always defending the primary public interest. With a properly structured Public Advocacy, independent and autonomous, subdued to constitutional norms, juridicity and efficiency, some instruments of civil process may be object of reflection, like the necessary review and the (un)necessity of an mandatory appeal.

O trabalho busca na teoria dos sistemas de Niklas Luhmann, tal como desenvolvida por Gunther Teubner, Marcelo Neves e outros doutrinadores, elementos para explicar as relações entre os subsistemas jurídico, político e econômico na sociedade contemporânea. Com base nas ferramentas teóricas obtidas, revisa o conceito de constituição econômica como a relação de acoplamento estrutural entre o direito e a economia, e a Constituição do Estado como a relação de acoplamento estrutural entre o direito e a política. As crises econômicas são então explicadas pelas tendências inflacionárias na produção de símbolos e pelos choques entre racionalidades sistêmicas parciais. A crise de 2008 consolida a constatação de que a globalização restringe a capacidade de influência da política e do direito sobre o sistema econômico desterritorializado. Em vista disso, propõe-se a adoção da teoria do constitucionalismo societal de Teubner como proposta para a democracia no século XXI; através dela, é possível reconhecer a constitucionalização no interior de cada subsistema social e o desenvolvimento de foros de razão pública internos, nos quais a política pode ser desenvolvida de forma autônoma em relação à política institucionalizada do Estado. Finalmente, vê-se como o combate à crise econômica invariavelmente redesenha os papéis dos Poderes de Estado, reconhecendo certa liberdade ao Executivo, embora isso não signifique ausência de quaisquer freios e contrapesos. / The presentwork seeks elements in Niklas Luhmanns systems theory as developed by Gunther Teubner and Marcelo Neves, amongst others to explain the interrelations between the legal, economic and political social subsystems in current society. Based on the theoretical tools gathered, it analyzes the concept of economic constitution as the structural coupling between law and economics, and the State Constitution as a structural coupling between law and politics. Economic crisis is then explained by the inflationary tendencies in the production of symbols and by the conflicts between partial rationalities. The crisis of 2008 strengthened the conclusion that globalization restrains politics and laws capacities to influence the international economic system. In view of that, it is suggested the adoption of Teubners societal constitutionalism as a proposal for XXI centurys democracy. Societal constitutionalism allows the recognition of internal constitutions in each social subsystem and the development of internal public reasoning institutions, where politics can be developed autonomously from State Politics. Finally, the last chapter considers how the measures against economic crises invariably redefine the roles of the Executive, the Legislative and the Judiciary, recognizing some freedom to the Executive, although such freedom does not mean the absence of any checks and balances.

O trabalho busca na teoria dos sistemas de Niklas Luhmann, tal como desenvolvida por Gunther Teubner, Marcelo Neves e outros doutrinadores, elementos para explicar as relações entre os subsistemas jurídico, político e econômico na sociedade contemporânea. Com base nas ferramentas teóricas obtidas, revisa o conceito de constituição econômica como a relação de acoplamento estrutural entre o direito e a economia, e a Constituição do Estado como a relação de acoplamento estrutural entre o direito e a política. As crises econômicas são então explicadas pelas tendências inflacionárias na produção de símbolos e pelos choques entre racionalidades sistêmicas parciais. A crise de 2008 consolida a constatação de que a globalização restringe a capacidade de influência da política e do direito sobre o sistema econômico desterritorializado. Em vista disso, propõe-se a adoção da teoria do constitucionalismo societal de Teubner como proposta para a democracia no século XXI; através dela, é possível reconhecer a constitucionalização no interior de cada subsistema social e o desenvolvimento de foros de razão pública internos, nos quais a política pode ser desenvolvida de forma autônoma em relação à política institucionalizada do Estado. Finalmente, vê-se como o combate à crise econômica invariavelmente redesenha os papéis dos Poderes de Estado, reconhecendo certa liberdade ao Executivo, embora isso não signifique ausência de quaisquer freios e contrapesos. / The presentwork seeks elements in Niklas Luhmanns systems theory as developed by Gunther Teubner and Marcelo Neves, amongst others to explain the interrelations between the legal, economic and political social subsystems in current society. Based on the theoretical tools gathered, it analyzes the concept of economic constitution as the structural coupling between law and economics, and the State Constitution as a structural coupling between law and politics. Economic crisis is then explained by the inflationary tendencies in the production of symbols and by the conflicts between partial rationalities. The crisis of 2008 strengthened the conclusion that globalization restrains politics and laws capacities to influence the international economic system. In view of that, it is suggested the adoption of Teubners societal constitutionalism as a proposal for XXI centurys democracy. Societal constitutionalism allows the recognition of internal constitutions in each social subsystem and the development of internal public reasoning institutions, where politics can be developed autonomously from State Politics. Finally, the last chapter considers how the measures against economic crises invariably redefine the roles of the Executive, the Legislative and the Judiciary, recognizing some freedom to the Executive, although such freedom does not mean the absence of any checks and balances.

Cette thèse analyse la vie politique intérieure et extérieure, économique et constitutionnelle de la Mongolie depuis sa révolution démocratique. Depuis qu'elle s'est "détachée" politiquement et économiquement de la Russie, ce petit pays mise sur ses richesses naturelles et la Mongolie veut désormais développer sa coopération avec les autres pays et notamment ceux qui ont de l'expérience dans le domaine minier. Les analyses des investissements étrangers directs en Mongolie montrent l'impact de la législation intérieure: lois sur l'exploration et l'exploitation des ressources naturelles, la protection de l'environnement, et le classement stratégique des sites des ressources naturelles... La thèse s’emploie à expliquer les relations actuelles de la Mongolie avec les pays étrangers, et tente de prévoir ce qu'elles seront probablement à l'avenir compte tenu des engagements vis-à-vis des organisations internationales et des accords bilatéraux et multilatéraux. Cette thèse met en perspective le concept de "troisième voisin" dans la politique étrangère de la Mongolie qui partage la frontière avec la Russie au nord et la Chine au sud: la recherche de l’appui d’une tierce puissance, qui est un voisin virtuel (c’est-à-dire sans proximité géographique) partageant les mêmes valeurs démocratiques. En ce sens, la France, l'Allemagne, le Japon, les Etats-Unis, la République de Corée et le Canada sont des troisièmes voisins. Cette thèse tente d'expliquer en détails, les relations bilatérales entre la Mongolie et la France, sa troisième voisine privilégiée. Elle met en lumière les relations humaines, communautaires et territoriales entre la France et la Mongolie qui permettent d'entretenir de bonnes relations à un plus haut niveau indépendamment des problèmes économiques et politiques. Finalement, en tant que toute première thèse sur les relations étrangères mongoles, surtout avec la France, elle vise à servir de base de référence pour ceux qui s'intéressent à la Mongolie. / This thesis analyzes the internal and external political, economic and constitutional life of Mongolia since its democratic revolution. This small country mainly relies on its natural resources and willing to develop its cooperation with other countries, which have rich experiences in mining. Analyses on foreign direct investment in Mongolia show the impact of domestic legislation: laws on the exploration and exploitation of natural resources, protection of the environment, and strategic ranking of natural resource sites etc. The thesis attempts to explain Mongolia's current relations with foreign countries and tries to predict the future in light of the commitments to international organizations and bilateral and multilateral agreements. This thesis puts into perspective the concept of "third neighbor" in Mongolia's foreign policy: the search for the support of a third power, which is a virtual neighbor (ie without geographical proximity) sharing the same democratic values. Moreover, it tries to explain in detail, the bilateral relations between Mongolia and France, its privileged "third neighbor". It highlights the human and territorial relations between France and Mongolia that allow for good relations at a higher level irrespective of economic and political problems. Finally, as the very first thesis on Mongolian foreign relations, namely with France, it aims to serve as a reference base for those interested in Mongolia.

No description available.

If the expectancy that someone was to act according to what we deem to be his or her “duty” was that straightforward, there would be no need to address the issues of liability of the employee for the wrongful acts of the employer. The recent - and some say alarming - trend in South Africa to hold employers (particularly the government) liable for wrongful, culpable acts committed by their employees, gives rise to difficulties and any inquiry into the possible vicarious liability of the employer should necessarily always start by asking whether there was in fact a wrongful, culpable act committed by the employee. If not, there can neither be direct liability of the employee nor vicarious liability by the employer. Where the employee did indeed commit a delict, the relationship between the wrongdoer and his or her employer at the time of the wrongdoing becomes important. It is then often, in determining whether the employee was acting in the scope of his or her employment that normative issues come to the fore. Over the years South African courts have devised tests to determine whether an employee was in fact acting in the scope of his employment. / Jurisprudence / LLM

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: On The io" of May 1994 Nelson Mandela was inaugurated as the first democratically elected black president of South Africa. The occasion was regarded, both nationally and internationally, as a triumph for humanity and perfused with a widespread optimism for the future of South Africa. Mandela proclaimed in his inaugural speech that "Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will experience oppression of one by another .... The sun shall never set on so glorious an achievement." However, now, less than 10 years later the rapidly accelerating and devastating HIV/AIDS epidemic is again 'obscuring the sun'. Those people affected so negatively by the racial, economic and gender injustices of the apartheid past, seem again to be suffering a possible injustice, because of a health and welfare system that is struggling to meet the needs of the HIV affected population. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the concept of distributive justice in South Africa, within the context of this devastating epidemic. I begin by discussing the Bill of Rights in the South African Constitution. I argue that an acceptable framework for a theory of justice for health care in South Africa, must be worked out against the background of this egalitarian Bill of Rights. I then consider the extent of the HIV epidemic, the effect it is having on the people of South Africa and the consequent implications for health care needs. It is within this context that I examine and compare three theories of distributive justice, namely utilitarianism, John Rawls' theory of "Justice as Fairness" and a libertarian concept of justice, as proposed by Robert Nozick. Utilitarianism is a consequentialist theory that focuses on producing the 'greatest happiness for the greatest number'. I argue that many health policy decisions in South Africa are in fact guided by this principle. However utilitarianism has both strengths and weaknesses which are critically examined. Within the framework of health care policy making, utilitarian justice dictates that rights are derivative and that the welfare of the majority usually takes precedence over the pressing needs of a minority. This issue in particular is discussed. Rawls' theory of "Justice as fairness" is critically discussed next. This theory has been adapted to health care by Norman Daniels, who argues that the Rawlsian principle of "fair equality of opportunity" is a suitable founding principle for health care institutions. Apartheid entrenched a system of 'inequality of opportunity'. Consequently, a theory that focuses on equality of opportunity, has many advantages within the South African context. I examine this theory in detail and provide justification for my assertion that it could be usefully adapted to South African healthcare and the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Finally, I discuss a Libertarian (Nozickian) theory of justice and examine both the strengths and weaknesses of this theory. I attempt to demonstrate why a libertarian system, with it vigorous commitment to moral and economic individualism and belief that one is only entitled to that share of healthcare that can be paid for, would be unjust, if rigorously applied within the post-apartheid South African context. I conclude my dissertation by reiterating my assertion that "Justice as Fair Equality of Opportunity" could be used as a just foundation for a theory of justice for health care in current day, HIV/AIDS affected South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Teorieë van geregtigheid en 'n gesondheidsbeleid vir die VIGS epidemie in Suid Afrika: 'n vergelykende ontleding. Op die 10de Mei 1994 is Nelson Mandela ingehuldig as die eerste demokraties verkose swart president van Suid- Afrika. Die geleentheid is in beide Suid-Afrika en in die buiteland beskou as 'n oorwinning vir humaniteit. Optimisme oor Suid-Afrika se toekoms was oral tasbaar. Mandela het in sy inhuldigingstoespraak verkondig dat dit nooit weer sal gebeur dat hierdie pragtige land sal lyonder die onderdrukking van een oor die ander nie. Hy het gesê dat die son nooit salondergaan op so 'n wonderlike prestasie nie. Nou, minder as tien jaar later, is die verwoestende VIGS epidemie besig om weer die 'son te laat ondergaan'. Dieselffde mense wat alreeds onder apartheid se rasisme en ekonomiese en geslagsongeregtighede gely het, blyk nou weer verontreg te word; hierde keer omdat die gesondheids- en welsynsisteem sukkel om in die behoeftes van die VIGS-geaffekteerde populasie te voorsien. Die doel van hierdie verhandeling is om die konsep van distributiewe geregtigheid in die konteks van die dreigende VIGS epidemie te bespreek. Ek begin met 'n bespreking van die Verklaring van Regte soos vervat in die Suid-Afrikaanse Grondwet. Ek voer aan dat enige aanvaarbare teorie oor geregtigheid in die Suid-Afrikaanse gesondheidsisteem gegrond moet word op hierdie egalitêre Verklaring van Regte. Tweedens kyk ek na die omvang van die VIGS epidemie, die effek wat dit op die HIV-positiewe populasie en hulle familielede het, en die gevolglike implikasies vir gesondheidsbehoeftes. Dit is binne hierdie konteks dat ek drie teorieë van distributiewe geregtigheid ondersoek en vergelyk; naamlik utilitarisme, John Rawls se teorie van "Justice as Fairness", en 'n libertynse konsep van geregtigheid soos voorgestel deur Robert Nozick. Utilitarisme is 'n konsekwensialistise teorie wat beteken dat die regte daad die een is wat in enige situasie die grootste geluk vir die meeste persone sal meebring. Ek voer aan dat baie van die beleidsrigtings wat 'n gesondheidsorg in Suid-Afrika gevolg is, deur hierdie teorie beïnvloed is. Utilitarisme het uiteraard sterk en swak punte en beide kante word krities ondersoek. In 'n gesondheidsorg konteks beteken utilitarisme dat regte altyd afgelei is en dat die welsyn van die meerderheid gewoonlik belangriker is as die van 'n minderheid, selfs wanneer die probleme van die minderheid ernstig en dringend is. Rawls se teorie van geregtigheid word vervolgens krities bespreek. Hierdie teorie is deur Norman Daniels aangepas vir gesondheidsorg. Hy stel voor dat Rawls se beginsel van 'regverdige gelykheid van geleentheid' baie effektief aangepas kan word vir gesondheidsorginstellings. Apartheid het 'n sisteem van ongelyke geleentheids verskans; gevolglik hou 'n teorie wat gelykheid van geleentheid verseker baie voordele vir die Suid- Afrikanse situasie in. Ek bespreek hierdie teorie in detail en poog om my standpunt dat die teorie besonder geskik is vir Suid-Afrikaanse gesondheidsisteem - veral in die konteks van die VIGS epidemie - te regverdig. Laastens bespreek ek die libertynse teorie van geregtigheid soos voorgestel deur Robert Nozick. Ek probeer aantoon waarom hierdie teorie, wat gebaseer is op morele en ekonomiese individualisme en gevolglik aanvoer dat mense geregtig is op gesondheidsorg alleenlik as hulle daarvoor kan betaal, onregverdig is in die Suid-Afrikaanse post-apartheid konteks. Ek sluit hierdie. verhandeling af deur weer te argumenteerdat Rawls se teorie en die beginsel van 'geregtigheid as gelyke geleentheide' uiters geskik is as 'n grondslag vir gesondheidsorg in Suid-Afrika vandag.