The primary focus of this work is Article 57 of the Draft European Constitution, concerning the constitutionalisation of a new aspect in EU external relations law, 'the European Neighbourhood Policy'. No comprehensive study of this constitutional article has yet been undertaken in EU legal research. Through the medium of the title of my thesis I wish to examine whether it amounts to an emergent jus gentium for the EU or its antithesis, the consolidation of jus civile. In parallel with the nature of the subject, this study is necessarily a legal-political one. Key points identified are the strategic use of human rights, extraterritoriality of law, foreign direct investment and legal imperialism. A number of recent developments, both judicial and legislative, have provoked this study.

Presidential power and constitutional issues are at the very core of recent popular upheavals in the former Soviet republics, as demonstrated by the Orange Revolution in Ukraine in 2004, and similar protests in Georgia in 2003 and in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. After the demise of the Soviet Union, these countries opted for a particular form of semi-presidentialism, here referred to as president-parliamentary. This dissertation deals with president-parliamentary systems, as well as with the other form of semi-presidentialism, namely premier-presidentialism. The study examines a typical feature of semi-presidentialism, i.e. intra-executive conflicts between the president and the prime minister/cabinet, by analysing the pattern, institutional triggers, and implications of such conflicts in Central and Eastern Europe. In addition, the choice of semi-presidentialism and differences in transitional context and constitutional building are accounted for. The following countries are specifically dealt with: Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, and Romania, Russia and Ukraine. The study’s empirical base is a mixture of data derived from literature, reports, review of constitutional documents, as well as from an expert survey conducted among analysts with an expert knowledge on the countries under scrutiny. The results suggest that both actor-oriented and historical-institutional factors have to be considered in order to understand why so many post-communist countries ended up with semi-presidentialism, and why there is such a sharp divide between Central Europe and the (non-Baltic) former Soviet republics with regard to the choice of semi-presidential type. The pattern of intra-executive struggles reveals that conflicts were somewhat more recurrent in the early period following the transition, but persist as a frequently occurring phenomenon throughout the post-communist period. The most common type of conflict has revolved around division of powers within the executive branch. As for triggers of conflict, the study suggests that certain institutional factors, such as electoral concurrence and party system fragmentation, have been important. Regarding the management of conflict, and the options available to the conflicting parties, the analysis indicates that the constitutional courts have played an important role as conflict mediators, and that attempts of changing the constitution, and using public addresses are options preferred by the presidents. Finally, the analysis shows that intra-executive conflict is associated with cabinet instability. A case study example also illustrates how the president-parliamentary framework can be related to policy ineffectiveness. The study finally concludes that premier-presidential systems have great governance potential provided that the party systems develop and consolidate. The conclusions regarding the president-parliamentary system are less encouraging, and it is argued that the adoption of this system is an important factor in relation to the failed democratisation in many post-Soviet countries.

L’Afrique subsaharienne francophone vit des phases de transition entre des «formes politiques» de parti unique ou de démocratie limitée vers des «formes politiques» de pluripartisme ou de démocratie. Il ressort de l’observation de ces transitions que les régimes politiques, entendus ici comme formes de séparation des pouvoirs, utilisés lors de ces transitions adoptent les mêmes caractéristiques. La fonction du régime de transition, qui est de permettre la libéralisation des institutions politiques de l’État, est facilitée par l’adoption d’une forme parlementaire de régime. Cependant, une analyse plus approfondie révèle que si tous ces régimes adoptent les caractéristiques «externes» du régime parlementaire, «la forme politique» n’est pas la même. Dans un cas, elle traduit une forte concentration du pouvoir dans le corps du Chef de l’État, quand dans l’autre, elle est se répartit entre les organes du régime. Aussi, il n’y a pas, de régime de transition, mais plutôt un «modèle constitutionnel» de la période qui reprend partout les mêmes éléments, sans en tirer les mêmes conséquences. / Sub-Saharan Africa has been known for going through transitional phases from one-party state dictatorship or limited democracy to a multi-party system or a real democracy. Observing these transitions highlights the fact that the same type of regimes is used during the process. At first, it can be said that transitions are made by a parliamentary system. Adopting this specific form of regime enhances the aim of the transitional regime, which lies into liberalizing the political institutions of the country. Nevertheless, a more profound study reveals that if all those regimes may have the external criteria of a parliamentary system, it's not the same regime per se. In one case, most of the power remains in the hand of the head of State while in the other, it's a shared power. Thus, there is no transitional regime but what can be described as a "constitutional model" of the transition that uses the same organs but with a different distribution of power between them.

O objetivo dessa dissertação de Mestrado é examinar os poderes institucionais de controle da agenda legislativa dos Presidentes nas Constituições latino-americanas e analisar a importância das mudanças constitucionais determinantes para cada prerrogativa legislativa dos presidentes. A pesquisa empírica buscou entender a influência dessas mudanças para o relacionamento entre os poderes e para o processo legislativo. Os dados dos poderes institucionais abrangem uma amostra de 17 países em seus períodos democráticos entre 1945 e 2003. O trabalho adota uma perspectiva diacrônica de análise dos textos constitucionais. A análise é informada pelas hipóteses da literatura institucional acerca dos problemas enfrentados pelo presidencialismo, mais especificamente do conflito que seria inerente à separação institucional dos poderes Executivo e Legislativo e a supremacia dos presidentes com fortes poderes institucionais no processo decisório. Tal perspectiva procura enfatizar a importância das mudanças ocorridas no presidencialismo em diferentes períodos, isto é, o caráter dinâmico da estrutura institucional do presidencialismo, verificável pela análise das reformas constitucionais e a relação do contexto dessas mudanças com os presidentes legislativamente dominantes no processo legislativo. / The objective of the Master´s dissertation is to examine the institutional details of agenda setting in Latin American Constitutions and analyse the changes in constitutional provisions. Moreover, the study tries to understand the influence of those changes for the executive-legislative relations and for the legislative process. The changes in constitutional rules is the focus to reassess the commom assumptions of Latin American presidential regimes. I have studied the agenda setting institutions in 17 Latin American presidential countries since 1945 in their democratic periods. The enphasis are the constitutional provisions wich give power to Presidents. I argued that constitutional powers in presidential regimes are changing along the period, because of that the consequences for Executive-Legislative relations should not be derived from a static analyse of constitutional provisions. Accounting for the effects of political institutions and other factors, my findings suggest that demands for constitutional amendments make the executive-legislative relations a dynamic process of political changes.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:55:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao LuigiLoMonaco.pdf: 326629 bytes, checksum: 5a74d402d24798609ac26fd8a76df4f9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-16 / The thesis we have developed is focused on the right to work "decent." This is a research and ethical reflection on the threat of economic "globalization" in Brazil. The right to work and work "decent" is situated in the larger context of human rights, the evolution of labor law and the current economic situation. The text prepared reports on the rise of the bourgeoisie and the capitalist exploitation of workers, since modernity, emphasizes the limits and the positive aspects of liberal constitutions and Brazilian constitutions since 1824 until 1988, stresses the importance of workers' struggles to defend the dignity of workers and their rights. The main hypothesis formulated by the author, who supervised the research, is that the new economic context of economic "globalization" of neoliberalism and social rights and the right to work "decent" are increasingly threatened. Hence the need to defend these rights resisting the process of deterioration of labor relations and setting, from ethical references, a schedule of minimum goals to be achieved in the near future. / A dissertação que elaboramos tem como tema central o direito ao trabalho decente . Trata-se de uma pesquisa e de uma reflexão ética sobre as ameaças da globalização econômica no Brasil. O direito ao trabalho e ao trabalho decente é situado no contexto maior dos direitos humanos, da evolução do direito trabalhista e da atual situação econômica. O texto elaborado relata sobre a ascensão da burguesia e a exploração capitalista dos trabalhadores, desde a modernidade; evidencia os limites e os aspectos positivos das Constituições liberais e das Constituições brasileiras desde 1824 até 1988; frisa a importância das lutas operárias para a defesa da dignidade dos trabalhadores e de seus direitos. A hipótese principal formulada pelo autor, e que orientou a pesquisa, é que no novo contexto econômico da globalização econômica e do neoliberalismo os direitos sociais e o direito ao trabalho decente são cada vez mais ameaçados. Daí a necessidade de defender estes direitos resistindo ao processo de precarização das relações trabalhistas e fixando, a partir de referências éticas, uma agenda de objetivos mínimos a serem alcançados no futuro próximo.

Orientadores: Eduardo Guimarães, Jean-Claude Zancarini / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T14:01:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GimenesMoralis_Edileusa_D.pdf: 1735406 bytes, checksum: 39f26d9196ab74ad596076174789a5e7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: O homem é visto, por alguns estudiosos, como signo da necessidade e não manifestação da inteligência. Dito de outro modo, o homem deixa de agir pela razão quando a necessidade oprime a sua inteligência. Logo, estaria na apresentação do dissenso como uma reunião conflituosa de dois mundos que encontramos o que lhe é valioso, o denominador comum: o argumento. Por meio do argumento, o homem político vê dois mundos num só, daqueles que falam e daqueles que não falam. Pelo paradoxo das ordens políticas do comando, o comando do igual se sobrepõe ao desigual. Nesta ordem, do domínio de uns sobre os outros, a mudança só ocorre se o homem deixar de ser um agente passivo para se tornar ativo. Têm-se, então, duas ordens heterogêneas que estabelecem relações diferentes, por se vincular a leis diferentes. Inserido na teoria da Semântica Enunciativa, este trabalho teve o objetivo de refletir sobre a prática política de um ator político, Dante de Oliveira, em um momento específico da história do Brasil, que ficou conhecido como Movimento das Diretas Já, ocorrido entre 1983 e meados de 1984. Seu interesse esteve nos desdobramentos e nas conseqüências que este acontecimento produziu sobre as práticas políticas deste político quanto de outros. Buscou-se analisar sua proposta de emenda constitucional (conhecida como emenda Dante de Oliveira ou emenda das diretas) e acompanhar seus desdobramentos. A hipótese fundou-se no dizer de que este acontecimento enunciativo aparece como produtor da ocasião e da oportunidade específica de um ator político específico: o então deputado federal Dante de Oliveira. Foi por um conjunto de discursos políticos, proferidos pelo próprio ator político Dante que se transitou para realizar as análises. Na trajetória de suas práticas discursivas, interessou, em particular, a Emenda Constitucional PEC/5/1983 ou Emenda Dante de Oliveira que objetivava o fim da ditadura no Brasil, por meio da exigência de eleição direta para Presidente da República. Assim, o corpus constitui-se de fragmentos dos discursos proferidos durante o Movimento das Diretas Já!, construídos dentro de um regime militar. As análises procuraram estudar a argumentação de textos do corpus, bem como o funcionamento da designação da expressão "eleições diretas", e mais especificamente "diretas". Como ator político, Dante de Oliveira teve uma boa chance e uma boa oportunidade, na medida em que sua proposta se articulava de modo particular às aspirações do povo, naquele momento, por meio de um projeto audacioso. Como afirma Zancarini e Fournel (2002), é preciso saber avaliar uma conjuntura e traçar objetivos que respondam aos interesses do político e do povo pela ''boa chance e oportunidade''. Foi esta participação política de Dante de Oliveira que refinou sua biografia e a inscreveu na história com seu próprio nome: Emenda Dante de Oliveira. / Abstract: Man is seen by some researchers as a sign of necessity, and not as manifestation of intelligence. In other words, man's action is not oriented by reason when his intelligence is oppressed by necessity. So, it is in the presentation of dissention because of the conflicting meeting of two worlds what is precious to him, a common denominator: the argument. Through the argument, the political man sees two worlds in one, i.e., the world of people who speaks and the world of people who does not speak. In the paradox of political order of command, the command of equal is superposed to the unequal. In this order of domination of one on the others, changes came if man changes his role from active agent to passive agent. Different relations are placed by two heterogeneous orders because they are linked to different laws. Supported by the Enunciative Semantics, this work aims to be an inquiry on the political practices of the political actor Dante de Oliveira in a specific moment of Brazilian history in 1983 and the beginning of 1984: the popular movement Diretas Já!. Our interest is concerned with the unfolding and the consequences this political movement produced in the political practices of this man of politics and others. It was analyzed his Constitution Mending (The Dante de Oliveira Mending or Diretas Já! Mending) and its unfolding. Our hypothesis is founded by the assumption of this enunciative event as generator of the occasion and the specific opportunity of a specific political actor: the then congressman Dante de Oliveira. The analysis is concerned with a sample of political discourses delivered by the proper political actor Dante. In the course of his political practices this work is concerned specially with the Constitution Mending PEC/5/1983 or the Dante de Oliveira Mending. This mending aimed the end of dictatorship in Brazil, and required direct elections for president of the country. Consequently, the corpus of research is composed by analyses of discursive fragments delivered in the course of the military government Diretas Já!. In presenting a daring project the political actor Dante de Oliveira had a good chance and opportunity in that moment while his proposal was articulated in a particular way with people desire. According to Zancarini & Fournel (2002), it is necessary to consider circumstances and establish objectives that answer to the interests of the politician and of people by "good chance of opportunity". It was this political participation of Dante de Oliveira that refined his biography and inscribed him in history with his proper name: The Dante de Oliveira Mending. / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutor em Linguística

Cette recherche porte sur la question de l'existence de lacunes constitutionnelles. Elle vise à évaluer les représentations fondées sur l'hypothèse de telles inexistences normatives. La diversité des propriétés attachées à l'idée de lacune normative dans le champ du droit constitutionnel invite à proposer une cartographie des différents concepts qui peuvent lui être attachés. Les lacunes constitutionnelles sont à la fois des phénomènes et des instruments. Phénomènes, elles sont difficiles à connaître et impossibles à nier. Elles sont difficiles à connaître : leur appréhension est affectée à la fois par les variations dont peuvent faire l'objet les dogmes qui structurent la représentation systématique des normes juridiques et par diverses formes d'indétermination linguistique. Elles sont impossibles à nier: une évaluation des différents arguments formulés au soutien de la thèse de la nécessaire complétude des systèmes normatifs permet d'établir leurs limites. Instruments, les lacunes constitutionnelles ont une fonction critique et une fonction subversive. Utilisées par la doctrine, elles ont une fonction critique: elles semblent une unité de mesure, perfectible, sur le fondement de laquelle elle évalue les dispositions constitutionnelles. Utilisées par les interprètes authentiques, elles ont une fonction subversive: elles constituent une ressource argumentative propre à justifier le contournement de certaines dispositions constitutionnelles. / This research relates to the question of the existence of gaps in the constitution. It aims to assess the representations based on the hypothesis of these normative non-existences. The range of properties linked to the idea of normative gaps in the field of constitutional law necessitates the mapping of its various connected concepts. Constitutional gaps are both phenomena and instruments. As phenomena, they are difficult to recognise yet impossible to deny. They are difficult to recognise as their understanding is affected both by the variations in the dogma that structure the systematic re-presentation of the legal norms, and by various forms of linguistic indecision. They are impossible to deny insomuch that an assessment of the various arguments in favour of the theory of the necessary completeness of the system of norms makes it possible to establish their limits. As instruments, constitutional gaps have a critical and a subversive function. Used for doctrinal analysis, their function is critical : they appear as a unit of measure, perfectible, serving as a basis to evaluate constitutional provisions. Used by authoritative interpreters, they have a subversive function: they constitute an argumentative resource that can justify the circumvention of specific constitutional provisions.

Title: The Question of Liberty and Obedience in the Work of Saint Ignatius of Loyola Abstract: The thesis investigates the question of liberty and obedience in the work of Saint Ignatius of Loyola and offers a basic survey of the literary heritage of the great Spanish mystic. Three of his works (Spiritual Exercises, Autobiography and Constitutions) and two letters dealing with obedience have been used as the sources and analyzed. In conclusion, the obedience and liberty in the interpretation of Saint Ignatius of Loyola are in substantial agreement and compatibility in the sense of inner freedom according to the Christian traditions. Saint Ignatius' contribution to the mystic literature was the fact that he emphasized one's own experience as the individual experience of an autonomous personality. Rather than to describe in detail his own ecstatic feeling he aspired to capture a day-to-day mysticism and his intensive pursuit of God's will. Key words: Loyola (St. Ignatius of), obedience, liberty, Spiritual Exercises, Autobiography, Constitutions, mystic literature.

"The enjoyment of all human rights by all persons is the ultimate horizon of democracy. It is generally admitted that democratic societies are less likely to violate human rights. The good human rights records of these societies can be justified, among others, by the promotion of a strong legal culture, which provides procedural avenues for allocating responsibility for human rights violations. Thus, the protection of human rights follows from the functions of law in society, and the nature of human rights claims. At the national level, human rights are protected by both domestic and international mechanisms. Therefore, the human rights claims should be based on violations of either domestic law or relevant provisions of operational international human rights instruments. However, most of the time this is not the case, especially in Africa. Many African states have ratified several international human rights instruments, but the record of the way the latter are applied in their respective judicial systems remains very poor. This study aims to analyse the case of Burundi, one of these state whose judicial system only rarely applies international human rights instruments in spite of the importance devoted to them by the Constitution. It must be understood that international human rights as a source of law will be referred to, in this study, both as a source of rights and as a source of interpretation of domestic human righs instruments such as the Bill of Rights. ... Chapter one will set out the content of the research, identify the problem and outline the methodology. Chapter two will focus on the status of international law in domestic legal systems. It will highlight the theories that have been used to determine the relationship between international and domestic law in general. Chapter three will analyse on basis of some samples of cases how the Burundian courts interpret and apply international human rights instruments. Chapte four discusses the role played by the Burundian lawyers in the enforcement of these instruments. Chapter five will draw [a] conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Grace Patrick Tumwine-Mukubwa at the Faculty of Law, Makerere University in Kampala, Uganda / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

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