Depuis plus de trente ans, l’intervention culturelle des villes n’a cessé de se développer et de se diffuser au travers du territoire national. Multiplication des structures, des projets, création régulière de délégations politiques adéquates ; la culture est un secteur qui a largement bénéficié du dynamisme impulsé par la décentralisation. Parallèlement, les modèles politiques locaux ont évolué avec la montée en puissance de « projets de territoires », englobant les différents secteurs, dont la culture, dans une politique globale. Si elle n’a pas eu de peine à trouver une place dans ces politiques, une idée aussi large et polymorphe que celle de « culture » a nécessairement vu ses contours évoluer. Dès lors plusieurs questions se posent. Quelle place les collectivités font-elles à l’héritage de la politique culturelle française « inventée » en 1959 ? Entre adhésion et opposition au modèle national, comment les politiques culturelles locales se construisent-elles ? Enfin, qu’est-ce qui « fait culture » pour des élus locaux le plus souvent éloignés des réseaux politiques ou des fédérations d’élus à la culture et qui ne peuvent compter que sur leur expérience et leur territoire pour s’approprier leur délégation ?C’est cette appropriation de la notion de culture que ce travail se propose d’explorer, au moyen d’outils issus du corpus de la sociologie des organisations. Le récit des élus à la culture sera mis en perspective avec celui des autres acteurs culturels, mais aussi du corpus de la sociologie de la culture en France, et plus largement de la notion de culture en sciences humaines. Cette confrontation aura pour objectif d’observer les processus « d’entrée en culture » par les élus locaux, la construction des convictions, des orientations politiques des objectifs et des résultats attendus, parfois éloignés des représentations les plus attendues mais nécessitant toute l’attention des acteurs culturels. Au fil des situations et à travers ces démarches, différentes facettes de la notion de culture apparaîtront, et permettront d’observer, à défaut d’une définition unique ce qui fonde la notion de culture dans les politiques locales françaises. / For more than thirty years, cultural involvement by cities has developed constantly and has spread across the nation. Facilities and projects have multiplied and appropriate political delegations have been created regularly: culture is a sector that has widely benefitted from the dynamism driven by decentralization.At the same time, local political models have developed with the rise in power of “territory projects”, encompassing difference sectors including culture within an overall political framework. Although it can scarcely be found within these policies, an idea as large and polymorphic as “culture” has naturally changed form.From that moment, many questions arise. What space do collectivities make for the heritage of the French cultural policy “invented” in 1959? Between adhering to and opposing the national model, how are local cultural policies constructed? Finally, what does culture “do” for local elected official, who are usually far removed from political networks and cultural federations of elected officials and who can only rely on their experience and their territory to appropriate their delegation? This appropriation of the notion of culture is what this work will explore, using tools of the sociological corpus of the organizations.The narrative of elected officials of culture will be put into perspective along with the narrative of other cultural stakeholders, but also in the sociological corpus of culture in France, and more widely, in the notion of culture to be found in human science.This confrontation will aim at observing the process of “entering into culture” by local elected officials, the construction of convictions, political alignment of objectives and expected results, which are sometimes far from the most expected representations but which require the full attention of cultural stakeholders. Through situations and through these procedures, different facets of the notion of culture will appear and will help us, for lack of a single definition, observe what the notion of culture initiates in French local politics.

Cette thèse propose d’analyser la laïcité à l’école dans le cadre d’une sociologie des croyances et des valeurs. A partir d’une méthode qualitative et compréhensive croisant le recueil des discours d’acteurs scolaires et l’observation de situations quotidiennes, il s’agit d’interroger la dimension microsociologique et pratique du phénomène. En considérant la laïcité comme une croyance normative composée de valeurs relatives à la liberté, à l’égalité, à la citoyenneté, à la République, au vivre ensemble, etc., ce travail s’attache à mettre en évidence les contenus sémantiques et axiologiques des différentes formes de laïcité, et à faire apparaître les modèles philosophiques et politiques de société dans lesquelles elles trouvent leur ancrage. La prise en compte des rapports de rationalité que les acteurs scolaires entretiennent avec leurs croyances, en termes d’éthique de responsabilité et de conviction, fournissent des clés d’explication et de compréhension des pratiques sociales de mise en application de la laïcité, dans la mesure où ils se révèlent constituer des guides de l’action quotidienne. / This thesis proposes to analyze the secularism in the school within the framework of a sociology of the values and beliefs. From a qualitative method and comprehensive crossing the compendium of speech of school agents and the observation of everyday situations, it is to interrogate the micro dimension and practice of the phenomenon. In considering the secularism as a normative belief consisting of values relating to freedom, equality, citizenship, to the Republic, to live together, etc. , this work is committed to highlight the semantic content and axiological of different forms of secularism, and to show the philosophical models and policies of society in which they find their anchor. The taking into account of the reports of rationality that school agents maintain with their beliefs, in terms of ethics of responsibility and conviction, provide the keys of explanation and understanding of the social practices of implementation of secularism, to the extent where they reveal constitute guides of the daily action.

Fréquemment utilisé en droit pénal et procédure pénale mais également présent dans d’autres domaines de la matière juridique, le soupçon en droit n’a pourtant jamais fait l’objet d’une étude juridique transversale. Présent mais non encadré, le soupçon en droit laisse dans son sillage un certain nombre de dérives et d’atteintes à des principes ou droits fondamentaux. Cette constatation parachève l’idée d’une nécessaire conceptualisation juridique de la notion à travers notamment l’élaboration d’une définition. Partant du recensement des différentes manifestations du soupçon en droit la thèse a cherché à dégager les points convergents mais aussi les différences découlant de ces différentes utilisations du soupçon afin de la caractériser. La détermination du soupçon étant ainsi achevée, la question de son traitement s’est posée. D’un point de vue actuel, le constat a été celui d’une certaine subjectivation engendrée par l’utilisation du soupçon que ce soit de la part du législateur ou de celle du juge. Il en découle un certain nombre d’atteintes à des éléments pourtant essentiels tel que le principe de la présomption d’innocence mais également le principe de la légalité des délits et des peines ou plus généralement la nécessité d’une stabilité et d’une sécurité juridique. La volonté affichée par la thèse a alors été de proposer un encadrement juridique futur du soupçon qui permettrait de parer à ce risque de subjectivisme. Pour cela un travail définitionnel de la notion a été opéré. De cette définition, des propositions de réécriture de certains articles du Code de procédure pénale se sont imposées / Frequently used in criminal law and proceedings but also present in all the other Law matters, the suspicion has never been the subject of a legal study as it will here. Although the suspicion is closely linked to the legal matter as a whole, the first observation that can be made is that there is no legal definition of it. Present, but not clearly defined, the suspicion is an open door to all kind of abuses and could infringe fundamental rights and principles. This observation lead to the idea to make headway in the conceptualization of this notion, its delimitation and its definition. Therefore, beginning with the different legal appearances of the Suspicion - in the criminal law and above - the thesis tried to expose all the converging points and the differencies coming from all the uses of the suspicion in order to synthesise and define it clearly. We thus had to deal with the question within the following observations. From today’s point of view, the suspicion stay a subjective term whether it is use by the legislators or the judges. The main purpose of this thesis has been to suggest a futur legal framework for the notion of suspicion which could eliminate, or at least severely reduce the possibility of bias due to the subjectivism. For this to happen, we had to define, first of all, the notion distinctly from the twin notions of doubt, presumption, and then to propose a genuine legal definition of the suspicion. From this definition came some proposals to rewrite certain articles of the Criminal Code

Les sondages téléphoniques visent habituellement l’enregistrement de réponses selon leur contenu linguistique littéral (« oui », « jamais », nom de politiciens, etc.). Cependant, les réponses orales contiennent également des aspects acoustiques qui expriment le degré de conviction des répondants. Dans les techniques actuelles de sondage, cette information, dite « extralinguistique », n’est pas retenue bien qu’elle puisse servir à la prédiction des comportements des répondants. Le présent mémoire a pour objectif de démontrer que des mesures acoustiques de la conviction exprimée par les répondants peuvent servir à améliorer la prédiction de comportements telle qu’estimée par les techniques de sondage. Cette démonstration se fait en deux étapes et implique deux expériences. L’Expérience 1, réalisée en laboratoire (n = 25), avait pour but d’isoler les variables vocales associées à l’expression de la conviction. Ce test a permis d’isoler des variables mesurables pertinentes et les distributions catégoriques de valeurs permettant une catégorisation des réponses selon un « degré de conviction ». L’Expérience 2 a porté sur l’application de ces mesures acoustiques dans l’analyse de réponses enregistrées lors d’un sondage téléphonique préélectoral fait par la firme Léger en 2010 (un corpus de 400 entrevues). Cette deuxième expérience a démontré qu’une catégorisation des réponses nominatives (n = 188) sur la base des variables associées à l’expression de la conviction (telles que définies à l’Expérience 1) peut améliorer la prédiction des comportements des électeurs. Les résultats suggèrent que les réponses orales à un sondage contiennent des indices acoustiques mesurables qui expriment un degré de conviction relié à une volonté de produire certains comportements. La nature de ces variables présente aussi la possibilité d’une détection automatique. / Surveys by phone usually involve the recording of responses in terms of their literal linguistic content ("yes", "never", politician name, etc.). However, oral responses also possess acoustic aspects that express a degree of conviction of respondents. In current survey techniques, this "extralinguistic" information is not considered although it can be used to predict the respondent’s behavior. This paper aims to demonstrate that acoustic measures of the conviction expressed by respondents can be used to improve the prediction of behaviors as estimated by survey techniques. This demonstration is done in two steps involving two experiments. Experiment 1, conducted in a laboratory setting (n = 25), was designed to isolate the vocal variables associated with the expression of the conviction. This first test served to isolate the relevant measurable variables and "categorical" values that could be used to categorize oral responses. Experiment 2 involved the application of these acoustic measures in the analysis of responses recorded during a pre-election telephone survey conducted by Leger in 2010 (a corpus of 400 interviews). This second experiment showed that a categorization of oral responses (n = 188) based on the basis of values of expressed conviction (as defined in Experiment 1) can improve the prediction of the behavior of voters. The results suggest that oral-survey responses contain measurable acoustic cues that express a degree of conviction, which can be associated with a willingness to produce certain behaviors. The nature of the variables also presents the possibility of an automatic detection. The nature of the variables also presents the possibility of an automatic detection.

The term "exonerated"‖refers to a legal acquittal of a former conviction due to the introduction of new evidence. Since 1989, the number of legal xonerations has increased dramatically due to DNA and other new evidentiary technologies that can demonstrate innocence of formally convicted persons. This research focuses on the lived experience of exoneration and its aftermath through a life history of John Thompson (JT), a New Orleans native, convicted of murder and sentenced to death in 1985. In 2003, after eighteen years in Angola, the Louisiana State Penitentiary, fourteen on death row, JT was exonerated. Exoneration theoretically removes the official stigma of conviction and restores full civil rights on former prisoners such as JT. Yet ―exonerees‖ face all the social, political, and personal problems that characterize the post-release experience of convicted felons. JT‘s experience is an important case of exonerees‘ quest for the restoration of standing, justice and compensation.

How would you feel if after having spent many years incarcerated for a crime that you did not commit and when finally you are released to a broken life where there is nobody to respond effectively to all the damages that you have and that you will continue to endure due to an unfortunate miscarriage of justice? In Canada, compensation for wrongful convictions is a legal issue which has yet to find a solution for those who the government has denied to pay compensation for and the damages such wrongful conviction brought to their lives. This thesis will analyze the legal problem of compensation for wrongful convictions in Canada from a tort law perspective and will present an alternative to the existing regime to serve justice to those who have been victims of miscarriages of justice.

How would you feel if after having spent many years incarcerated for a crime that you did not commit and when finally you are released to a broken life where there is nobody to respond effectively to all the damages that you have and that you will continue to endure due to an unfortunate miscarriage of justice? In Canada, compensation for wrongful convictions is a legal issue which has yet to find a solution for those who the government has denied to pay compensation for and the damages such wrongful conviction brought to their lives. This thesis will analyze the legal problem of compensation for wrongful convictions in Canada from a tort law perspective and will present an alternative to the existing regime to serve justice to those who have been victims of miscarriages of justice.

Available research demonstrates that public perceptions and beliefs about the Criminal Justice System (CJS) differ from its actual processes and procedures, but there is little research on the effects of such a difference, specifically with regard to wrongful accusation and/or conviction of factually innocent persons, and their families. Perceptions and beliefs, held as reliable and accurate knowledge, may impact on wrongful accusation/conviction of the factually innocent, both on the lived experiences of wrongly accused/convicted persons themselves, and on perceptions held about them (and responses to calls for case reviews) within the wider public. Although a great deal of research has been carried out on the subject of wrongful conviction generally, this has focussed, in the main, on legal, procedural and structural causes of wrongful conviction, and, in particular, on a small number of ‘high profile’ cases. This research examines perceptions and beliefs held as knowledge by individuals claiming to be factually innocent, wrongly accused/convicted persons, and the results of attempts to employ such perceptions and beliefs to maintain claims of innocence. Further, the experiences of family and friends of the wrongly convicted, whose lives continue in the community following the conviction of their family member, are examined, with particular attention to the interface of beliefs and perceptions between such families and the wider community. To a lesser extent, the role of the media, in shaping public opinion, the effects of media coverage on trial procedures and outcomes, and non-reporting or selective reporting is also addressed. A series of semi-structured interviews was carried out throughout the UK, with wrongly accused/convicted persons, family members of those individuals, and members of groups and organisations working to highlight the problems of wrongful accusation and conviction. A survey aimed at examining key perceptions and beliefs, held as factual knowledge about the CJS within the wider public, was also conducted. The analysis of the data indicated that not only do individuals and families attempt to employ erroneous perceptions and beliefs as factual knowledge in cases of wrongful accusation and conviction, but that such attempts feed into and support the case against the wrongly accused (in direct opposition to the aims and objectives of those employing them). Furthermore, knowledge of the actual workings of the CJS (held by CJS actors) can be, and is, used to exploit the ignorance of those so accused, and their family members. This is made possible because legal meanings of key words and phrases are vastly different from their commonly understood meanings, a factor known only to CJS actors, and not, generally, to the wider public. Political rhetoric and media representations support and reinforce those commonly held understandings, simultaneously maintaining the inaccessible code of actual CJS processes, thereby influencing public perceptions of those who are accused and convicted.

Contemporary Christian ethical decision making includes a move toward responsibility, that is, ways in which responsibility should qualify Christian ethics in general. Linking the ways in which responsibility should qualify Christian ethics with the process of ethical decision making itself as an ideal type, it clarifies the prejudices which make for responsible use of the Bible in Christian ethical decision making. When the prejudices influencing the hermeneutical task in Christian ethical decision making are conformable to the ways in which responsibility should qualify Christian ethics, the Bible is used in a responsible way in Christian ethical decision making. Responsible use of the Bible is linked with the hermeneutical notion that prejudices constitute the link between past text and current interpreter. This lead to the text being understood in new way(s) in each new historical situation. In this way it is able to undo the notion that the link between past text and current interpreter can be had from historical objectivism, with its prejudice against prejudices in Biblical interpretation, and which holds that the meaning of a text is restricted to what the original author intended. Once this original meaning has been uncovered it becomes valid for all times and under all circumstances, and can therefore be closed. This closure is then linked with an ethics of conviction, as opposed to the ways in which responsibility should qualify Christian ethics. In exegeting Romans 1: 26-27, as an example, within an ideal type of Christian ethical decision making, it is shown how the interpretation of the text is influenced by the ways in which responsibility should qualify Christian ethics in general. This makes for a new understanding of the text related to the context in which the interpretation happens. As an example it is thus able to show how prejudices can influence the hermeneutical task in Christian ethical decision making. It makes for a responsible reading of the text for the prejudices which are allowed to influence the hermeneutical task are conformable to the ways in which responsibility should qualify Christian ethical decision making. In this way the exegesis of the text is able to show that the understanding of a text, in an ideal type of Christian ethical decision making, is subject to prejudices as that which makes all understanding, also understanding for moral action possible. Copyright / Dissertation (MA(Theol))--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Dogmatics and Christian Ethics / unrestricted

A sequence of autonomous underwater glider deployments were used to characterize the spatial-temporal variability of the region over an eight month period from late September to May. Strongly stratified system was found in early fall with significant gradients in both temperature (T) and salinity (S), during winter T < 23°C and minimum S of 40.3 psu was observed and resulting in weakened stratification that enables deep convective mixing and upwelling of deep water by cyclonic circulations in the region leading to significant biomass increase. Throughout the entire observational period the slope of the 28 and 28.5 kg/m3 isopycnals remained sloping downward from offshore toward the coast reflected a persistent northward geostrophic flow. The depth of the 180 μmol/kg isopleth of oxygen, indicative of the top of the nutricline, paralleled the depth of the 28 kg/m3, but remained slightly deeper than the isopycnal. The deep winter mixing did not penetrate the nutricline where the mixed layer was deeper near the coast. However, because of the cyclonic signature the 28 kg/m3 rose to the surface offshore, injecting nutrients into the surface layer and promoting increased biomass in the central Red Sea. With the presence of cyclonic eddies, there was evidence of subduction associated with the cross-eddy circulation. This subducted flow was toward the coast within the domain of the glider observations. During this period, increases in the particulate backscatter were associated with increased chlorophyll indicating that the suspended particles were primarily phytoplankton particles. Within the mean northward flow there is a cross-basin flow wherein water is upwelled near the center of the Red Sea, there is a eastward component to the northward flow, and subsequent downwelling near the coasts. Within the surface flow subductive processes lead not only to a horizontal flow, but also a downward component toward the coast. Overall transport is very 3-dimensional in the northern Red Sea, such that northward transport and its associated embedded circulations are northward, while southward transport occurs on the western side of the Red Sea, in contrast to some of the descriptions of flow provided in earlier papers.