Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Essa dissertação tem por objeto de estudo a intitulada Estratégia Democrático-Popular, compreendida como o principal debate tático-estratégico construído pela classe trabalhadora no Brasil após o fim da contrarrevolução burguesa e que segue hegemônica entre parte significativa de seus instrumentos coletivos até os dias de hoje. A conjuntura de sua emersão é a do esgotamento da ditadura implantada em 1964 e o sujeito histórico do qual deriva é o que Chasin (2000) nomeou ter sido o nosso movimento democrático de massas, formado pela ascendência do movimento operário sindical e popular em 1980. O objetivo deste trabalho - diante do pouco referencial bibliográfico que trate especificamente do tema e da sua atualidade em tempos neoliberais - é o de proceder uma pesquisa teórica sobre tal estratégia. Para tanto, tomamos por principal fonte bibliográfica as obras do sociólogo Florestan Fernandes, a quem consideramos o seu principal formulador - das publicações que decorrem da primeira metade da década de 1970 aos anos 1990 - e que tratam da construção de uma revolução dentro e fora da ordem, com centralidade democrática. Nesse sentido, dividimos este trabalho em dois momentos: o estudo dos fundamentos da formação social do Brasil a constituição de suas classes sociais e o padrão de transformação capitalista aqui prevalecente; e, como resultado do primeiro, a análise do programa de revolução nacional pelos 'de baixo', da sua gênese programática em 1970 à consolidação governamental pela democracia de cooptação nos anos 2000. / This work aims at studying the Popular Democratic Strategy, understood as the main strategic discussion built by the working class in Brazil after the bourgeois counterrevolution. Besides, the project is still one of the most important collective tools used by them nowadays. It emerged from the popular syndical worker movement -- which Chasin (2000) calls the mass democratic movement in the context of the exhaustion of the dictatorship established in 1964. Considering that there are just a few works on this theme and its present relevance under neoliberal regimes, this study will present a theoretical research on the Popular Democratic Strategy cited above. We take the work of Florestan Fernandes as a main reference, because of his contributions on the formulation of the program (from the first half of 1970 until 1990). After all, his works deal with the construction of a revolution inside and outside the order, with democratic centrality. This work is divided in two sessions. The first one consists of a study on the foundations of Brazils social formation, the constitution of social classes and the pattern of capitalist transformation that prevailed here. The second one analyzes the program of a national grassroots revolution, from its programmatic genesis in 1970 to the governmental consolidation through the democracy of cooptation in 2000.

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Essa dissertação tem por objeto de estudo a intitulada Estratégia Democrático-Popular, compreendida como o principal debate tático-estratégico construído pela classe trabalhadora no Brasil após o fim da contrarrevolução burguesa e que segue hegemônica entre parte significativa de seus instrumentos coletivos até os dias de hoje. A conjuntura de sua emersão é a do esgotamento da ditadura implantada em 1964 e o sujeito histórico do qual deriva é o que Chasin (2000) nomeou ter sido o nosso movimento democrático de massas, formado pela ascendência do movimento operário sindical e popular em 1980. O objetivo deste trabalho - diante do pouco referencial bibliográfico que trate especificamente do tema e da sua atualidade em tempos neoliberais - é o de proceder uma pesquisa teórica sobre tal estratégia. Para tanto, tomamos por principal fonte bibliográfica as obras do sociólogo Florestan Fernandes, a quem consideramos o seu principal formulador - das publicações que decorrem da primeira metade da década de 1970 aos anos 1990 - e que tratam da construção de uma revolução dentro e fora da ordem, com centralidade democrática. Nesse sentido, dividimos este trabalho em dois momentos: o estudo dos fundamentos da formação social do Brasil a constituição de suas classes sociais e o padrão de transformação capitalista aqui prevalecente; e, como resultado do primeiro, a análise do programa de revolução nacional pelos 'de baixo', da sua gênese programática em 1970 à consolidação governamental pela democracia de cooptação nos anos 2000. / This work aims at studying the Popular Democratic Strategy, understood as the main strategic discussion built by the working class in Brazil after the bourgeois counterrevolution. Besides, the project is still one of the most important collective tools used by them nowadays. It emerged from the popular syndical worker movement -- which Chasin (2000) calls the mass democratic movement in the context of the exhaustion of the dictatorship established in 1964. Considering that there are just a few works on this theme and its present relevance under neoliberal regimes, this study will present a theoretical research on the Popular Democratic Strategy cited above. We take the work of Florestan Fernandes as a main reference, because of his contributions on the formulation of the program (from the first half of 1970 until 1990). After all, his works deal with the construction of a revolution inside and outside the order, with democratic centrality. This work is divided in two sessions. The first one consists of a study on the foundations of Brazils social formation, the constitution of social classes and the pattern of capitalist transformation that prevailed here. The second one analyzes the program of a national grassroots revolution, from its programmatic genesis in 1970 to the governmental consolidation through the democracy of cooptation in 2000.

Em tempos de saída de crise do capital torna-se ainda mais necessário compreender a raiz dos problemas sociais (os quais são originados na base econômica da sociedade civil burguesa), como também analisar o processo histórico da luta de classes. E para isso este trabalho se propõe a fazer uma análise baseada na teoria marxiana, tendo como método o materialismo-histórico-dialético, utilizando da etnografia como metodologia de aproximação e apreensão do local de pesquisa, o Conselho Local de Saúde da UBS Nossa Senhora Aparecida. O trabalho se propõe a resgatar o processo de organização da classe trabalhadora no Brasil, relacionando com o Movimento Sanitário e com o controle social no SUS. O foco são as consequências do desenvolvimento da Estratégia Democrático e Popular via Democracia de Cooptação no seio da luta do proletariado brasileiro. Para tanto, o trabalho apresenta a compreensão de Estado a partir de Marx e Engels, e assim o considera como um instrumento de manutenção do modo de produção capitalista. A democracia constitui-se um dos seus elementos políticos para garantir a dominação burguesa. Dessa maneira, a dissertação apresenta a discussão sobre a democracia enquanto forma de cooptação da classe trabalhadora fundada no liberalismo burguês. Discorre-se sobre como aconteceu à dissociação entre reforma e revolução a partir dos diversos debates políticos travados na organização do proletariado. Analisa a relação desse processo com o debate entre tática e estratégia no movimento da classe trabalhadora. E assim compreender os impactos disso no processo de consciência dos trabalhadores, demonstrando a necessidade de refletir sobre quais caminhos nos conduzirão, de fato, à emancipação humana / In times of capital crisis, it becomes even more necessary to understand the root of social problems (which originate in the economic base of bourgeois civil society), as well as to analyze the historical process of class struggle. Then, this work proposes to make an analysis based on the Marxian theory, having as method the materialism-historical-dialectic, using ethnography as methodology of approach and apprehension of the research site - the Local Health Council of UBS Nossa Mrs. Aparecida. The research proposes to rescue the process of organizing the working class in Brazil, relating to the Sanitary Movement and social control in the SUS. The focus are the consequences of the development of the Democratic and Popular Strategy through Democracy of Cooptation within the struggle of the Brazilian proletariat. To this end, the work presents the understanding of the state from Marx and Engels, and thus considers it as an instrument of maintenance of the capitalist mode of production. Democracy is one of its political elements to guarantee bourgeois domination. In this way, the dissertation presents the discussion about democracy as a form of co-optation of the working class founded on bourgeois liberalism. It explains how the decoupling of reform and revolution happened from the various political debates in the organization of the proletariat. It analyzes the relationship of this process with the debate between tactics and strategy in the working class movement. And thus to understand the impacts of this on the process of workers' consciousness, demonstrating the need to reflect on what paths will lead us, in fact, to human emancipation.

Juvenile justice reforms in America today closely resemble the ones that occurred over a century ago. The reforms of both eras aim to separate juveniles from adults and emphasize rehabilitation over punishment. Why is policy repeating itself? In search of an answer, I look to a monumental series of liberal Supreme Court decisions made in the 1960s that constituted what is now known as the Civil Rights Era’s “due process revolution.” In these cases, the Supreme Court provided juveniles with procedural protections in attempt to prevent the manifestation of racial bias in the juvenile court. It is commonly agreed upon that the due process revolution failed in its mission to protect minority youth. However, scholars are divided on why it failed. Some claim that states simply did not implement the protections properly. Others argue that a conservative backlash obstructed their proper implementation. In this thesis, I put forth that the decisions themselves — specifically, Kent v. United States and In Re Gault — criminalized youth by mistakenly presuming that racism could be regulated out of the court by enhanced procedures of due process. The liberal decisions made in Kent and Gault ultimately paved the way for the conservative carceral agenda of the late twentieth century and subjected minority youth to unprecedented punitive policy. I refer to Naomi Murakawa’s “racial innocence” theory to illuminate this interpretation of events and suggest that communities look inwards for alternatives to institutional reform.

Em tempos de saída de crise do capital torna-se ainda mais necessário compreender a raiz dos problemas sociais (os quais são originados na base econômica da sociedade civil burguesa), como também analisar o processo histórico da luta de classes. E para isso este trabalho se propõe a fazer uma análise baseada na teoria marxiana, tendo como método o materialismo-histórico-dialético, utilizando da etnografia como metodologia de aproximação e apreensão do local de pesquisa, o Conselho Local de Saúde da UBS Nossa Senhora Aparecida. O trabalho se propõe a resgatar o processo de organização da classe trabalhadora no Brasil, relacionando com o Movimento Sanitário e com o controle social no SUS. O foco são as consequências do desenvolvimento da Estratégia Democrático e Popular via Democracia de Cooptação no seio da luta do proletariado brasileiro. Para tanto, o trabalho apresenta a compreensão de Estado a partir de Marx e Engels, e assim o considera como um instrumento de manutenção do modo de produção capitalista. A democracia constitui-se um dos seus elementos políticos para garantir a dominação burguesa. Dessa maneira, a dissertação apresenta a discussão sobre a democracia enquanto forma de cooptação da classe trabalhadora fundada no liberalismo burguês. Discorre-se sobre como aconteceu à dissociação entre reforma e revolução a partir dos diversos debates políticos travados na organização do proletariado. Analisa a relação desse processo com o debate entre tática e estratégia no movimento da classe trabalhadora. E assim compreender os impactos disso no processo de consciência dos trabalhadores, demonstrando a necessidade de refletir sobre quais caminhos nos conduzirão, de fato, à emancipação humana / In times of capital crisis, it becomes even more necessary to understand the root of social problems (which originate in the economic base of bourgeois civil society), as well as to analyze the historical process of class struggle. Then, this work proposes to make an analysis based on the Marxian theory, having as method the materialism-historical-dialectic, using ethnography as methodology of approach and apprehension of the research site - the Local Health Council of UBS Nossa Mrs. Aparecida. The research proposes to rescue the process of organizing the working class in Brazil, relating to the Sanitary Movement and social control in the SUS. The focus are the consequences of the development of the Democratic and Popular Strategy through Democracy of Cooptation within the struggle of the Brazilian proletariat. To this end, the work presents the understanding of the state from Marx and Engels, and thus considers it as an instrument of maintenance of the capitalist mode of production. Democracy is one of its political elements to guarantee bourgeois domination. In this way, the dissertation presents the discussion about democracy as a form of co-optation of the working class founded on bourgeois liberalism. It explains how the decoupling of reform and revolution happened from the various political debates in the organization of the proletariat. It analyzes the relationship of this process with the debate between tactics and strategy in the working class movement. And thus to understand the impacts of this on the process of workers' consciousness, demonstrating the need to reflect on what paths will lead us, in fact, to human emancipation.

Cette thèse met en avant les dynamiques de réussite des stratégies d'influence entre organisations. La conceptualisation : une conversation sur le concept d'influence. Plusieurs théoriciens proposent des approches originales de recherche sur l'influence. Notre approche théorique s’appuie sur des discussions conceptuelles avec James G. March, Jeffrey Pfeffer, ainsi que Ruth Zimmerling. Chacun partage une approche originale de la réalité recouverte par les phénomènes d'influence. Certaines questions soulevées pendant nos discussions sont tranchées au cours de la problématisation ; d'autres lors de la confrontation au terrain. L’approche empirique : une abduction à l’aide de huit casHuit études de cas sont choisies de manière à maximiser la variation des interactions entre organisations. Les nombreuses catégories sont regroupées par thèmes au fur et à mesure de l'apparition de changements sur le terrain. Les regroupements, les éliminations et les mises en relation suivent un processus d'abduction. Le regroupement des codes par thèmes aide à repérer les régularités au sein des cas, et les recoupements d'une étude de cas à l'autre lors d'analyses comparées. L’apport pratique : le processus dynamique mis en évidence par une chaîne de preuvesNotre conception de l’influence comme un couplage la reliant à ses résultats comportementaux permet la mise en exergue de trois phases régulièrement observées : la mise en relation avec un référent, son consentement et, enfin, le relais de son activation.Ce processus d'influence nous permet de qualifier et de souligner les leviers de la gestion des relations entre organisations dans la pratique de la stratégie et dans l'étude des organisations. / X

Em tempos de saída de crise do capital torna-se ainda mais necessário compreender a raiz dos problemas sociais (os quais são originados na base econômica da sociedade civil burguesa), como também analisar o processo histórico da luta de classes. E para isso este trabalho se propõe a fazer uma análise baseada na teoria marxiana, tendo como método o materialismo-histórico-dialético, utilizando da etnografia como metodologia de aproximação e apreensão do local de pesquisa, o Conselho Local de Saúde da UBS Nossa Senhora Aparecida. O trabalho se propõe a resgatar o processo de organização da classe trabalhadora no Brasil, relacionando com o Movimento Sanitário e com o controle social no SUS. O foco são as consequências do desenvolvimento da Estratégia Democrático e Popular via Democracia de Cooptação no seio da luta do proletariado brasileiro. Para tanto, o trabalho apresenta a compreensão de Estado a partir de Marx e Engels, e assim o considera como um instrumento de manutenção do modo de produção capitalista. A democracia constitui-se um dos seus elementos políticos para garantir a dominação burguesa. Dessa maneira, a dissertação apresenta a discussão sobre a democracia enquanto forma de cooptação da classe trabalhadora fundada no liberalismo burguês. Discorre-se sobre como aconteceu à dissociação entre reforma e revolução a partir dos diversos debates políticos travados na organização do proletariado. Analisa a relação desse processo com o debate entre tática e estratégia no movimento da classe trabalhadora. E assim compreender os impactos disso no processo de consciência dos trabalhadores, demonstrando a necessidade de refletir sobre quais caminhos nos conduzirão, de fato, à emancipação humana / In times of capital crisis, it becomes even more necessary to understand the root of social problems (which originate in the economic base of bourgeois civil society), as well as to analyze the historical process of class struggle. Then, this work proposes to make an analysis based on the Marxian theory, having as method the materialism-historical-dialectic, using ethnography as methodology of approach and apprehension of the research site - the Local Health Council of UBS Nossa Mrs. Aparecida. The research proposes to rescue the process of organizing the working class in Brazil, relating to the Sanitary Movement and social control in the SUS. The focus are the consequences of the development of the Democratic and Popular Strategy through Democracy of Cooptation within the struggle of the Brazilian proletariat. To this end, the work presents the understanding of the state from Marx and Engels, and thus considers it as an instrument of maintenance of the capitalist mode of production. Democracy is one of its political elements to guarantee bourgeois domination. In this way, the dissertation presents the discussion about democracy as a form of co-optation of the working class founded on bourgeois liberalism. It explains how the decoupling of reform and revolution happened from the various political debates in the organization of the proletariat. It analyzes the relationship of this process with the debate between tactics and strategy in the working class movement. And thus to understand the impacts of this on the process of workers' consciousness, demonstrating the need to reflect on what paths will lead us, in fact, to human emancipation.

No description available.

Avec le retour du multipartisme au Cameroun dans les années mil neufcent quatre-vingt-dix, l’État camerounais voit émerger des nouveaux acteursparmi lesquelles les femmes entrepreneures. L’objectif de cette thèse est dedéterminer quels enseignements structurels, les dynamiques sociopolitiquesdes femmes entrepreneures dans la sphère sociopolitique nous livrent sur lefonctionnement du système politique camerounais à l’aune du genre. A traversce questionnement, l’objectif est de voir dans quelle mesure l’entrée desfemmes en général et l’intégration des femmes entrepreneures en particulierdans le système politique entraînent un changement d’ethos de la vie politiquecamerounaise fortement imprégnée de l’ethos de la notabilité-séniorité et de lamasculinité et fortement caractérisée par la gouvernance de la manducation etla politique de l’autoreproduction. / With the return to multi party system in Cameroon in the 1990s,Cameroon’s state witnessed the rise of new players, including womenentrepreneurs. This thesis aims at determining the structural lessons learnedfrom the sociopolitical dynamics of women entrepreneurs in social and politicalsphere about the functioning of Cameroon’s political system with regard togender. Through this inquiry, our goal is to see how the entry of women ingeneral and mainstreaming of women entrepreneurs in particular in the politicalsystem results in a change of ethos on cameroon’s political life which is stronglymarked by the ethos of notability-seniority and manhood and mainlycharacterized by the governance of manducation and policy of self-replication.

The purpose of this research project was to analyze the dialectic of co-optation/domestication and resistance as manifested in the experience of racialized Canadian trade unionists. The seven research participants are racialized rank-and-file members, elected or appointed leaders, retired trade unionists, as well as staff of trade unions and other labour organizations. In spite of the struggle of racialized peoples for racial justice or firm anti-racism policies and programmes in their labour unions, there is a dearth of research on the racialized trade union members against racism, the actual condition under which they struggle, the particular ways that union institutional structures domesticate these struggles, and/or the countervailing actions by racialized members to realize anti-racist organizational goals. While the overt and vulgar forms of racism is no longer the dominant mode of expression in today’s labour movement, its systemic and institutional presence is just as debilitating for racial trade union members. This research has uncovered the manner in which the electoral process and machinery, elected and appointed political positions, staff jobs and formal constituency groups, and affirmative action or equity representational structures in labour unions and other labour organizations are used as sites of domestication or co-optation of some racialized trade unionists by the White-led labour bureaucratic structures and the forces in defense of whiteness. However, racialized trade union members also participate in struggles to resist racist domination. Among some of tools used to advance anti-racism are the creation of support networks, transgressive challenges to the entrenched leadership through elections, formation of constituency advocacy outside of the structure of the union and discrete forms of resistance. The participants in the research shared their stories of the way that race and gender condition the experiences of racialized women in the labour movement. The racialized interviewees were critical of the inadequacy of labour education programmes in dealing effectively with racism and offer solutions to make them relevant to the racial justice agenda. This study of race, resistance and co-optation in the labour movement has made contributions to the fields of critical race theory, labour and critical race feminism and labour studies.