Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-13T14:21:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 João Jacinto Anhê Andorfato.pdf: 963613 bytes, checksum: b5f045fcb8877b348d581a2c23a9da24 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-13T14:21:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 João Jacinto Anhê Andorfato.pdf: 963613 bytes, checksum: b5f045fcb8877b348d581a2c23a9da24 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-19 / The recent corruption scandals exposed a old problem. In an emergency agenda, a punitive movement emerges that does not only occupy the discourses of lay Brazilians, but also mobilizes our police, judicial and public prosecutorial authorities, who are moved by public opinion to draw up new strategies and new measures to combat the problem. Corruption in no way should be tolerated and must be harshly repressed by society and by the agencies of criminal prosecution. Notwithstandng, combating corruption or any other crime, however serious it may be the offense and its social consequences, does not justify the distortion of criminal procedural guarantees that historically are the foundation of control and limitation in face of the punitive power of the State. Society must ensure that it is able to discern the excesses of the state's punitive power and the institutions that exercise it in order to avoid the emergence of pathologies such as criminal and procedural law of exception in which moral values are enough to support the criminal sciences: the good becomes a criminal value, the truth a procedural value and the justice a legal value. The desire for punitiveness sometimes obfuscates the necessary precautions to legitimize the interventions of the organs of criminal prosecution, which, in view of the current political crisis, makes it essential to analyze the idea of Justice from the perspective of criminal procedural lessons, placing in poles of contraposition the criminal procedural guarantees and the anti-corruption discourse / Os recentes escândalos de corrupção expôs às escâncaras um antigo problema. Em uma pauta de emergência, surge um movimento punitivista que não ocupa somente os discursos dos brasileiros leigos, mas também mobiliza nossas autoridades policiais, judiciárias e membros do ministério público, que movidos pela opinião pública se colocam à disposição para traçar novas estratégias e elaborar novas medidas para combater o problema. A corrupção de forma alguma deve ser tolerada e necessita ser duramente debelada pela sociedade e pelos órgãos de persecução penal. Contudo, o combate à corrupção ou à qualquer outra criminalidade, por maior que seja a gravidade do ilícito e suas consequências sociais, não justifica o desvirtuamento das garantias processuais penais que historicamente são o alicerce de controle e limitação frente ao poder punitivo do Estado. A sociedade deve zelar pela capacidade de discernir sobre os excessos do poder punitivo estatal e das instituições que o exercem, a fim de evitar o surgimento de patologias como um direito penal e processual penal de exceção em que valores morais bastam para sustentar as ciências criminais: o bom se torna um valor penal, a verdade um valor processual e o justo um valor jurídico. O desejo de punitividade por vezes ofusca as cautelas necessárias para se legitimar as intervenções dos órgãos de persecução penal, o que, diante da atual crise política, torna imprescindível a análise da ideia de Justiça sob a perspectiva da dogmática processual penal, colocando em polos de contraposição as garantias processuais penais e o discurso de combate à corrupção

Diante dos escândalos contábeis e fraudes corporativas reportadas nas últimas décadas em diversos países do mundo, incluindo o Brasil, aprovou-se, em agosto de 2013, a lei anticorrupção brasileira 12.846, com o objetivo de responsabilizar administrativa e civilmente pessoas jurídicas que pratiquem atos contra a administração pública, nacional ou estrangeira. Embora seja notório o esforço do governo federal brasileiro no combate à corrupção, a legislação carecia de orientações sobre mecanismos e procedimentos internos de integridade, auditoria e incentivo à denúncia de irregularidades, demandando o preparo de documento complementar, publicado em março de 2015, através do Decreto 8.420. O presente estudo investiga o grau de conhecimento sobre o programa de integridade da lei anticorrupção, bem como sua existência e aplicabilidade, por meio da análise da percepção dos respondentes de uma amostra de empresas nacionais e multinacionais. Avaliam-se também os efeitos do programa de integridade estabelecido na lei anticorrupção sobre os controles internos das organizações e a opinião de auditores independentes sobre o monitoramento destes controles, com o advento da nova legislação. A amostra contempla 32 empresas de capital aberto associadas à ABRASCA (Associação Brasileira de Companhias Abertas) e 25 firmas de auditoria vinculadas ao IBRACON (Instituto dos Auditores Independentes do Brasil). Para coletar as respostas, utiliza-se o método survey, operacionalizado através de um formulário comercializado pela empresa Vroman Systems Inc (Form site) e enviado eletronicamente para o grupo de empresas selecionado. Em relação aos achados, destaca-se a confirmação de que a função do compliance officer foi criada após a regulamentação da lei anticorrupção, indicando que a legislação impactou o número de funcionários das organizações. Também se constata que as empresas respondentes, associadas à ABRASCA, têm alto grau de conhecimento e aderência aos parâmetros do programa de integridade da lei anticorrupção. Além disso, as firmas de auditoria associadas ao IBRACON confirmam que o programa de integridade da lei anticorrupção afetou o modelo de trabalho das auditorias independentes no Brasil. Dentre as recomendações para aprofundamento da pesquisa, sugere-se expandir a amostra para empresas de capital fechado, independentes de associações, e buscar entender se o programa de integridade da lei anticorrupção beneficia a performance financeira das empresas estabelecidas no Brasil. / In the face of corporate accounting scandals and frauds reported in the last decades in several countries, including Brazil, the Brazilian anti-corruption law 12,846 was approved in August 2013, with the purpose of charging administratively and civilly persons who commit acts against public, national or foreign administrations. Although the efforts of the Brazilian federal government to combat corruption are notable, the legislation lacked guidance on mechanisms, internal integrity procedures, audit and incentives to whistleblowing, resulting in the preparation of a supplementary document published in March 2015, through Decree 8,420. This study investigates the extent of knowledge about the anti-corruption integrity program law, as well as its existence and applicability, through the analysis of a sample of national and multinational companies. The effects of the integrity program, established in the anti-corruption law, on internal controls of organizations and the opinion of independent auditors on the monitoring of these controls, with the advent of new legislation, are also evaluated. The final sample includes 32 public companies associated with ABRASCA (Brazilian Association of Listed Companies) and 25 audit firms linked to IBRACON (Institute of Independent Auditors of Brazil). In order to collect the answers, the survey method is used, and conducted through a form marketed by Vroman Systems Inc (Form website) and sent electronically to the selected population. Regarding the results, the analysis shows that the function of the compliance officer was created after the regulation of the anti-corruption law, and indicates that the legislation affected the number of resources at these organizations. It also notes that the surveyed companies, associated with ABRASCA, have a high degree of knowledge and adherence to the parameters of the anti-corruption integrity program law. In addition, audit firms associated with IBRACON confirm that the anti-corruption integrity program law has affected the working model of independent audits in Brazil. For further research, it is recommended that the sample be expanded to include private companies and independent associations, and that the analysis should seek to understand if the anti-corruption integrity program law benefits the financial performance of the corporations in Brazil.

Le Mali est apparu pendant longtemps comme un ‘’bon élève’’, un modèle de démocratie du continent africain. Sa société, avant l’éclatement de la crise de 2012, se caractérisait par une vie religieuse exempte de violences, réunissant harmonieusement les diverses tendances doctrinales (musulmans orthodoxes, hérétiques et non-musulmans). A la faveur de la crise, la segmentation de l’islam malien, bien que s’étant auparavant pacifiquement exercée, s’est manifestée sous une violence inédite, par les armes. À la fois révélateur des limites de la démocratie, d’un dépérissement de l’Etat, de maux sociaux/sociétaux critiques, d’importants dysfonctionnements dans le mode de gouvernance, la crise de 2012 a également dévoilé de nouveaux types de rapports liant la sphère islamique au domaine politique malien. Ces rapports sont dominés par l’omniprésence, l’influence islamique dans la sphère politique. Les mouvements religieux tirent cette influence de leur capacité à exprimer et à produire du politique, combinée à leur solide ancrage auprès des populations, au travers d’œuvres sociales considérables. Cette dynamique islamique dans l’espace public politique malien sera très vite exploitée par les élites politiques, faisant des élites musulmanes des partenaires, notamment en périodes électorales. / Long appeared as a ‘’good student’’ of African continent, as a model of democracy – with a religious life free of violence, which blends harmoniously orthodox religious, heretics and non-Muslims – the year 2012 marked a turning point in the history of Mali. Thanks to the crisis, the segmentation of Malian Islam, although having peacefully exercised previously, will manifest in an unprecedented violence, with arms. Revealing, both, the limits of democracy, the withering away of the state, some critical social ills, significant shortcomings in the governance, the crisis of the year 2012 also unveiled new types of connections, linking the Islamic sphere to the politic. These links are dominated by the omnipresence, Islamic influence in the political sphere. Religious movements derive their influence from their ability to express and produce policy, combined with their strong anchor near to the population, through significant social works. This Islamic dynamic in the Malian political public space, will be exploited by the political elites, making Muslim elites partners, particularly in election periods.

Diante dos escândalos contábeis e fraudes corporativas reportadas nas últimas décadas em diversos países do mundo, incluindo o Brasil, aprovou-se, em agosto de 2013, a lei anticorrupção brasileira 12.846, com o objetivo de responsabilizar administrativa e civilmente pessoas jurídicas que pratiquem atos contra a administração pública, nacional ou estrangeira. Embora seja notório o esforço do governo federal brasileiro no combate à corrupção, a legislação carecia de orientações sobre mecanismos e procedimentos internos de integridade, auditoria e incentivo à denúncia de irregularidades, demandando o preparo de documento complementar, publicado em março de 2015, através do Decreto 8.420. O presente estudo investiga o grau de conhecimento sobre o programa de integridade da lei anticorrupção, bem como sua existência e aplicabilidade, por meio da análise da percepção dos respondentes de uma amostra de empresas nacionais e multinacionais. Avaliam-se também os efeitos do programa de integridade estabelecido na lei anticorrupção sobre os controles internos das organizações e a opinião de auditores independentes sobre o monitoramento destes controles, com o advento da nova legislação. A amostra contempla 32 empresas de capital aberto associadas à ABRASCA (Associação Brasileira de Companhias Abertas) e 25 firmas de auditoria vinculadas ao IBRACON (Instituto dos Auditores Independentes do Brasil). Para coletar as respostas, utiliza-se o método survey, operacionalizado através de um formulário comercializado pela empresa Vroman Systems Inc (Form site) e enviado eletronicamente para o grupo de empresas selecionado. Em relação aos achados, destaca-se a confirmação de que a função do compliance officer foi criada após a regulamentação da lei anticorrupção, indicando que a legislação impactou o número de funcionários das organizações. Também se constata que as empresas respondentes, associadas à ABRASCA, têm alto grau de conhecimento e aderência aos parâmetros do programa de integridade da lei anticorrupção. Além disso, as firmas de auditoria associadas ao IBRACON confirmam que o programa de integridade da lei anticorrupção afetou o modelo de trabalho das auditorias independentes no Brasil. Dentre as recomendações para aprofundamento da pesquisa, sugere-se expandir a amostra para empresas de capital fechado, independentes de associações, e buscar entender se o programa de integridade da lei anticorrupção beneficia a performance financeira das empresas estabelecidas no Brasil. / In the face of corporate accounting scandals and frauds reported in the last decades in several countries, including Brazil, the Brazilian anti-corruption law 12,846 was approved in August 2013, with the purpose of charging administratively and civilly persons who commit acts against public, national or foreign administrations. Although the efforts of the Brazilian federal government to combat corruption are notable, the legislation lacked guidance on mechanisms, internal integrity procedures, audit and incentives to whistleblowing, resulting in the preparation of a supplementary document published in March 2015, through Decree 8,420. This study investigates the extent of knowledge about the anti-corruption integrity program law, as well as its existence and applicability, through the analysis of a sample of national and multinational companies. The effects of the integrity program, established in the anti-corruption law, on internal controls of organizations and the opinion of independent auditors on the monitoring of these controls, with the advent of new legislation, are also evaluated. The final sample includes 32 public companies associated with ABRASCA (Brazilian Association of Listed Companies) and 25 audit firms linked to IBRACON (Institute of Independent Auditors of Brazil). In order to collect the answers, the survey method is used, and conducted through a form marketed by Vroman Systems Inc (Form website) and sent electronically to the selected population. Regarding the results, the analysis shows that the function of the compliance officer was created after the regulation of the anti-corruption law, and indicates that the legislation affected the number of resources at these organizations. It also notes that the surveyed companies, associated with ABRASCA, have a high degree of knowledge and adherence to the parameters of the anti-corruption integrity program law. In addition, audit firms associated with IBRACON confirm that the anti-corruption integrity program law has affected the working model of independent audits in Brazil. For further research, it is recommended that the sample be expanded to include private companies and independent associations, and that the analysis should seek to understand if the anti-corruption integrity program law benefits the financial performance of the corporations in Brazil.

Problems exist with ethical decision-making in U.S. construction engineering projects. The purpose of this study was to explore factors that affect ethical decision-making in engineering construction in the United States. The general concepts of marketing ethics, Kohlberg's discussion of ethical and moral reasoning development, and Gillian's discussion of ethical care served as the basis of the conceptual framework. Factors that inhibit ethical decision making were addressed in the research questions. The resulting narrative framework included implementable initiatives based on these factors that could improve the quality of ethical decision-making and the impact of these initiatives on the cost and quality of construction engineering projects. The use of qualitative grounded theory design led to findings from the research questions and enabled the development of a theory to explain the phenomenon. The research was based on data collected from interviews with a purposive sample of 12 civil engineers with 15 to 45 years of forensic and managerial experience with construction engineering projects. The constant comparative method was used to analyze the data. The principal finding from the research was that unethical decision-making in the legal and political systems undermines the image and authority of construction engineers in the United States. The findings of the study may cause social change by indicating how to enhance the ethical behavior of individuals involved in decision-making within the U.S. construction engineering industry, leading to improvements in the cost and quality of construction projects that benefit individual stakeholders as well as society.

Avec l’évolution du Consensus de Washington comme fil conducteur, nous montrons que la gouvernance est partie à la reconquête de son caractère politique, caractère que les tenants du « tout marché » lui avaient retiré. Une fois le constat établi d’une gouvernance désormais démocratique, nous analysons les indicateurs produits pour la quantifier. Ces indicateurs sont en majorité des indices de perceptions, ils demeurent imparfaits, parfois biaisés.En nous intéressant à la mesure de la corruption, nous avons mis à jour l’existence d’un biais que nous qualifions de réflectif ou médiatique. La liberté de la presse joue un rôle important sur les perceptions. Nous suggérons que l’indice de perception de la corruption produit par Transparency International pénalise les jeunes démocraties. L’ouverture des médias et une liberté de la presse grandissante, en mettant à jour les actes de corruption jusqu’alors non révélés, influencent les experts de Transparency International qui ont tendance à dégrader leur notation.Récemment, un nouvel outil est apparu pour mesurer la qualité institutionnelle. Si les enquêtes menées auprès des ménages ne sont pas nouvelles en tant que telles, leur systématisation ouvre de nombreuses perspectives. En utilisant le Gallup World Poll nous avons été en mesure d’observer le ressenti des populations concernant la corruption, et ce, à une échelle encore inédite. Nous avons alors été en mesure de comparer les perceptions des ménages à celles des experts. Nous avons alors identifié les déterminants de ces écarts et montré l’influence de facteurs comme la liberté de la presse, la nature du régime politique ou encore la confiance envers les gouvernements. / With Washington Consensus as leit motiv, we show that governance ultimately reaffirmed its political nature which “whole market” supporters tried to eradicate. Once established the now democratic nature of governance, we study the indicators produced to evaluate it. These indexes are mostly perceptions indicators. Thus, they remain unperfected, sometimes biased.Focusing on corruption measurement, we uncovered a media or reflective bias. Press freedom plays an important role on perceptions. We suggest that the Corruption Perception Index, provided by Transparency International (TI) penalizes young democracies. Media aperture, broadcasting corruption deeds so far unrevealed, likely influences TI experts that consequently deteriorate their notations.Recently, a new tool appears to assess institutional quality. If household surveys are not brand new, their systematization opens new perspectives. Using Gallup Worl Poll, we were able to observe population’s feeling towards corruption at a global scale. Thus, we were able to compare population’s and expert’s perceptions. We then identified this gap determinants and put the light on the influence of press freedom, political organization or leadership approval.

Cette thèse a pour objectif d’approfondir l’analyse des conditions d’émergence et d’incidence de la corruption dans le monde. Nous y soulignons une dimension importante mais jusque-La peu documentée des activités de corruption, à savoir, leur contribution aux stratégies informelles d’adaptation et de gestion du risque mises en place par les agents économiques pour se protéger contre l’instabilité de leur revenu. Le premier chapitre propose un état des lieux de la recherche sur les définitions, les mesures, les typologies et les déterminants de la corruption. Dans le deuxième chapitre, les méthodes usuelles de calcul de l’instabilité macroéconomique sont expliquées, sont appliquées aux données sur les recettes d'exportation d’un échantillon de pays développes et en développement, et sont comparées entre elles. Le troisième chapitre présente et analyse une base de données rétrospectives sur l’Indice de Vulnérabilité Économique, reflétant le risque pour un pays de voir son développement entravé par des chocs naturels et des chocs d’exportations, que nous avons calculé pour un échantillon de 128 pays en développement et couvrant la période 1975- 2008. Dans le quatrième chapitre, nous analysons les effets de l’instabilité des exportations sur la corruption dans les pays développés et en développement. Ces effets sont décomposés en un effet ex post, résultant de l’expérience des agents économiques de l’instabilité des exportations, et un effet ex ante, résultant de leur perception de cette dernière. Nous testons empiriquement ces effets sur les perceptions de la corruption et sur les pots-De-Vin payés par les entreprises. Nous mettons en évidence des effets robustes, significatifs et non linéaires, dont le signe dépend de la fréquence et de la taille des chocs d’exportations. Nos résultats suggèrent également que la contrainte de liquidité est un canal transmission clé de ces effets: lorsque la contrainte de liquidité est forte l’instabilité des exportations aggrave l’incidence à la corruption, alors qu’elle la réduit lorsque cette contrainte se relâche. Ainsi, en l’absence d’État et de marches financiers capables d’atténuer les effets de l’instabilité sur les performances économiques et le bien-Être, il est probable que les agents économiques aient recours à la corruption pour se protéger contre les fluctuations économiques. / This thesis is an attempt to improve the understanding of the causes of corruption emergence and incidence around the world. It highlights an undocumented feature of corrupt transactions, that is, their contribution to informal risk-Coping and risk-Management mechanisms used by economic agents to protect against income fluctuations. We propose in a first introductory chapter a general state of art of researches on corruption definitions, measurements, typologies and determinants. In chapter two, we explain, apply and compare standard methods of computing instability indicators, using export revenue data from sample of developed and developing countries. In chapter three, we build a retrospective Economic Vulnerability Index – i.e. an index reflecting the risk for a country of seeing its development hampered by natural and trade shocks – for a sample of 128 developing countries over 1975-2008. In chapter 4, we analyse the effect of export instability on corruption in developed and developing countries. This effect is decomposed into an ex post effect, resulting from agents’ experience of export instability, and an ex ante effect, resulting from their perception of export instability. We test empirically these effects using data on corruption perceptions and on firms’ bribe payments. We find robust, significant and nonlinear ex post and ex ante effects of instability on corruption, and stress that their direction strongly depends on the frequency and size of export fluctuations. We show that the liquidity constraint is a key channel for these effects: when the liquidity constraint hardens, instability is found to foster corruption; while when it softens, instability is found to reduce it. Thus, corrupt strategies may act as a substitute for financial market imperfections and a low state capacity for mitigating the consequences of economic fluctuations on welfare.

隨著全球治理網絡之形成，政府肩負服務公眾以及國家治理的責任，廉政是良善治理的基石，透過廉能政府的領航以及全民反貪腐的力量，方能止於至善。「新加坡讓它的四鄰及國際社會敬畏的，不止是經濟表現或軍事實力，而是有效率的廉潔政府、有紀律的多元社會、有素質的公民文化」(戴至中譯，2004)。 面對國人對廉政工作的期許，現行唯一派駐在政府機關內之政風機構扮演著關鍵角色，因而強化政風機構組織及其運作成效則更為重要。為瞭解政風組織運作現況及其可能面臨的困境或相關問題，除檢閱組織設計理論以及相關研究文獻外，並以深度訪談法作為本文之研究途徑，以利進一步歸納及分析，進而研提相關政策建議。 經過文獻探討及訪談資料分析，本研究發現影響政風機構組織運作的構面，包括：「結構」、「效能」、「策略」及「心態」，而影響組織運作成效的因素，則涵蓋「組織層級」、「雙軌體制」、「專業專責」、「政風職權」、「法制規範」、「國際廉政趨勢」及「決心與共識」七個面向。 最後，本論文希望在兼顧國情及公部門體制影響層面最低，而又必須強化或改善之前提下，針對政風機構組織及其運作提出五項政策建議，分別為「提高政風組織位階」、「降低雙軌運作之強度」、「形塑防貪肅貪專業專責」、「研訂政風人員職權行使法」、「凝聚反貪決心與共識」，作為權責機關未來研擬相關政策之參考。 / With the establishment of global government network, the government gradually takes the responsibility to service the public and to govern the country. Incorrupt politic is the foundation of sound governance, with the guidance of rectitude government and the power of public anti-corruption, the goal of pursuing absolute perfection can be finally achieved. “What make Singapore be awed by its neighbor countries and the internationals are the efficient and incorruptible government, disciplinal diverse society, and the accomplished and educated citizens.” (Dai, 2004) Facing the high compatriots’ expectation of incorrupt governance, the sole Government Employee Ethics Unit accredited in the government plays a crucial role; and the strengthening of the organization and operation effectiveness becomes more important. The purpose of this thesis is to understand the current situation of the Government Employee Ethics Organization, and to find out the possible upcoming dilemma and relevant issues. The thesis not only reviews the organization design theory and the relevant researches, but also adopts interviews as the research method for further analysis, conclusion and policy suggestions. Through the literature review, interview discussion and analysis, it is found in this research that framework, efficiency, strategy and mindset are the ”dimensions” influencing the operation of Government Employee Ethics Unit. And the seven factors that affect the outcomes of operation are organization hierarchy, double-track system, dedicated specialization, authority and responsibility, legal regulation, international trend of rectitude, and determination and consensus. In conclusion, considering both the national situation and the impact on the public sectors, this research provides five policy recommendations for the authority organizations with the aim to strengthen and improve the Government Employee Ethics Unit and its operation, which are, Promoting the organization’s hierarchy, Moderating the intensity of double-track system,Forming dedicated specialized unit for preventing and fighting corruption,Drafting power exercise act for the Government Employee Ethics Officers,Uniting determination and consensus of anti-corruption.

In its new democracy, South Africa is busy making endeavours to transform and correct the wrongs and problems of the past. In the process it is vital that obstacles to development such as corruption in the public sector should be uprooted as they inhibit quality service delivery and further damage the name of the public service.<br /> <br /> This study compares anti-corruption strategies in South Africa&rsquo / s Western and Eastern Cape provinces, in particular by looking at both the achievements and limitations that have been experienced. The focus area is the provincial administrations in both provinces. In order to contextualise the evaluation of the anti-corruption strategies pursued by the two provincial administrations, the study also includes an examination of the role of provinces in general in combating corruption.<br /> <br /> The research methods employed include a detailed survey of documentation published by the provincial governments&rsquo / anti-corruption agencies, as well as reports by civil society organizations focusing on corruption in the public sector. The study also draws on semi-structured interviews conducted with key stakeholders in the two provinces.<br /> <br /> The study concludes by summarizing the successes and limitations of the two provincial administrations in dealing with corruption. A number of practical recommendations are provided to strengthen the future design and implementation of anti-corruption strategies.<br /> The empirical research for this research report was carried out in 2003 before the national and provincial elections of 2004.

Text in English / The problem of leadership and corruption in Nigeria is a known fact. A good number of Nigerian politicians and top government officials do not think that politics has anything to do with ethics. Currently, injustice is displayed in all spheres of Nigerian life. Indigenous moral values are almost completely ignored and abandoned. Nigeria no longer operates according to the hallowed observance of the rubric ‘Aa kii see’ (it is not done). It is no longer a society of law and order, crime and punishment, good behaviour and adequate reward. It is no longer a society which recognises the principles of abomination/taboos, or what the Yorubas describe as eewo. Taboos represent the main source of guiding principles regulating and directing the behaviour of individuals in the community. However, experience has shown over the years that politics’ functional peak is only attainable with the help of ethics. Politics based on the ethical principle of social equality is one of the indispensable features of true democracy. For politics to be effective and meaningful, ethics must not be forgotten. Politics without morality produces unethical leadership. This study claims that, the much desired political moral uprightness is achievable in Nigeria, if African traditional ethics is harnessed as a tool in solving the problem of unethical leadership and corruption, especially embezzlement. The thesis also attempts to show that, through reinforced moral education for both young and old, it will become more accepted that morality is the backbone of politics and it must not be ignored. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy)