L'objectif de cette étude doctoral est d'étudier l'impact du processus de transition économique, de l'économie centralisée à l'économie de marché, sur les entreprises des pays d'Europe de l’Est et Centrale (EEC) de 1989 à 2016. Dans les deux premiers articles, pour conceptualiser la structure intellectuelle de la transition économique et de la privatisation, en tant que principales composantes de la transition, a été utilisée l’analyse des mots-clés (Co-Word Analysis: CWA) sur la littérature existante. Cette méthode scientométrique consiste d’abord à extraire les concepts les plus importants décrivant un champ de recherche à partir de titres et/ou de résumés sur la base d'un grand nombre de documents académiques, puis de calculer les occurrences de chaque concept et de générer des grappes (clusters) de tels concepts fondés sur la force de leur association. CWA affiche ces clusters dans une carte 2D en fonction de leur force interne et externe qui représente la structure intellectuelle du domaine de recherche en question. Les résultats de ces deux articles, ainsi que d'autres auteurs (Berglöf & Roland, 2006; Stiglitz, 2000, 2006) soulignent l'importance des facteurs non-économiques sur la performance de l'entreprise. Selon Frye & Shleifer (1997), parmi les facteurs non-économiques et non-institutionnels, la corruption est identifiée comme un élément important pendant le processus de transition qu’Intriligator (1996), confirme également pendant le processus de privatisation. Le dernier article propose des résultats inédits sur l'impact de la corruption et du crime sur la performance de l'entreprise / The aim of this doctoral study is to investigate the impact of economic transition process, from centrally planned economy to market economy, on the enterprises in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries from 1989 to 2016. In the two first articles, to map the intellectual structure of economic transition and of privatization, as the main component of transition, has been used Co-Word Analysis (CWA) on extant literature. CWA consists initially in extracting the most important concepts describing a research field from titles and/or abstracts on the basis of a large number of scholarly papers, then calculating the occurrences of each concept and generating clusters of such concepts based on the strength of their association. CWA display these clusters in a 2D map depending on their internal and external strength of each cluster that represents the intellectual structure of the research field in question. The results of these two articles, along with other authors (Berglöf & Roland, 2006; Stiglitz, 2000, 2006), emphasize the importance of non-economic factors on enterprise performance. According to (Frye & Shleifer, 1997), among the non-economic and non-institutional factors, corruption, is identified as the element that played an important role during the transition process and as Intriligator (1996) confirms, also during the privatization process. Though in the last article, are provided new insights of the impact of corruption, crime and “time tax” on enterprise performance

This study sought to measure the perceptions of the community on the prevalence of police corruption and its impact on service delivery in the Pretoria Central area. Using a literature review and 25 in-depth unstructured interviews, the study found that the majority of community members regard most police officials as corrupt. A lack of understanding on the part of the police of the negative impact that actual or perceived police corruption has on sound police-community relations was evident. Recruitment without proper vetting of the workforce emerged as one of the causal factors for corruption. The study provides several recommendations for the enhancement of the South African Police Service‟s systems to militate against incidents of corruption and its impact on police service delivery. / Police Practice / M. Tech. (Policing)

À travers l’analyse de la vie des protagonistes, le malaise et le dysfonctionnement socio-politique, économique et culturel des post-indépendances, cette étude met en exergue les différentes formes de violences dans les romans suivants : The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born, Fragments d’Ayi Kwei Armah, Kill Me Quick, Going Down River Road, The Cockroach Dance et The Big Chiefs de Meja Mwangi et Dangerous Love de Ben Okri. La thématique de la désillusion s’incruste comme un leitmotiv dans tous ces romans. L’omniprésence de la désillusion permet de montrer le caractère violent de la perte des illusions. L’émergence des régimes dictatoriaux après l’indépendance dans plusieurs pays africains où la corruption, le clientélisme et l’affairisme sont érigés en mode de gouvernement entraînent une dissonance profonde et un malaise sans précédent. Si ces violences puisent, d’une part, leur origine dans la déstructuration de la vie sociopolitique, économique et culturelle causée par la colonisation, elles sont dues, d’autre part, aux dysfonctionnements de la société post-indépendante. Ces violences, ces dissonances et la tyrannie du pouvoir atteignent leur sommet dans un pays imaginaire, vraisemmblablement le Rwanda, où la cruauté des massacres et l'absurdité de l'idéologie de l'Hutu Power appelant au génocide des Tutsi dépassent l'entendement humain / Through the analysis of the daily life of the protagonists, the socio-political, economic and cultural post-independence dissonance and malaise, this study spotlights the different forms of violence as portrayed in Ayi Kwei Armah’s The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born, Fragments, Meja Mwangi’s Kill Me Quick, Going Down River Road, The Cockroach Dance, The Big Chiefs and Ben Okris’ Dangerous Love. The theme of post-independence disillusionment is pervasive in all these novels. The omnipresence of this disenchantment enables to point out the violence which is inherent in the loss of illusion. The dictatorial regimes which emerge in many African states, after independence, lead to a great and deep dissonance and unprecedented malaise: corruption, embezzlement and nepotism become the norms of ruling. If this violence finds its roots, on the one hand, in the violent socio-political, economic and cultural disorganisation of traditional African society by colonisation, it is also, on the other hand, due to post-independence disjuncture and bitterness. Tyranny of power, dissonance and violence have plunged an imaginary country, probably Rwanda , into an extreme violence where the cruelty of the massacres and the absurdity of Hutu Power's ideology exhorting Hutu people to exterminate the Tutsi are beyond all understanding

La corruption est une thématique récurrente dans les agendas publics des pays en voie de développement. En Haïti, elle fait l’objet, depuis la fin des années 1980, d’une préoccupation nationale et d’un ensemble de mesures juridico-légales par les pouvoirs publics qui cherchent peu ou prou à l’éradiquer. Cependant, plus de trois décennies après, elle constitue encore un phénomène social persistant qui semble participer de la structuration des rapports entre les individus et les groupes de la société en général, et de l’administration publique en particulier. Cette thèse se propose d’expliquer la récurrence des phénomènes de corruption dans l’administration publique haïtienne. Elle démontre que les processus d’inscription de la corruption aux agendas publics, c’est-à-dire la manière dont le phénomène a acquis le statut de problème public, participent à la construction des perceptions, croyances ou représentations (PCR) fortes sur son existence. Dans une relation de détermination réciproque, de telles PCR influencent le choix des fonctionnaires et des contribuables d’entrer dans des transactions corruptives. A partir, entre autres, de l’examen des formes de justification langagières, nous procédons à une extraction du sens des pratiques corruptives pour les individus en reconstituant leur système de raisons à exécuter des pratiques qu’ils jugent pourtant, pour la plupart, inacceptables. En complément à ce premier moment d’analyse, nous examinons les mécanismes de la corruption en mettant en lumière la nature et la structure des réseaux d’allégeance personnelle et politique qui se permutent, dans les circonstances qui sont celles de l’administration publique, en réseaux de corruption. / Corruption is a recurring theme in public agendas of developing countries. In Haiti, since the late 1980s, it has been subject of a national concern and a set of legal actions by the public authorities trying more or less to eradicate it. However, more than three decades later, it is still a persistent social phenomenon that seems to participate in structuring relationships between individuals and groups in the society in general and public administration in particular. This study aims to explain the widespread recurrence of corruption in the Haitian public administration. It demonstrates that the agenda-setting process of corruption, that is the way the phenomenon has acquired the status of a public issue, participates in the construction of strong perceptions, beliefs or representations (PCR) on its very existence. In a reciprocal determination relationship, such PCR influence the choice of officials and taxpayers to enter into corrupt transactions. Based on the examination of different forms of verbal justification, we extract the meaning of individuals’ actions by restoring their system of reasons in executing actions that they consider yet, for the most, unacceptable. In addition to that analysis, we examine the mechanisms of corruption by highlighting the nature and structure of personal and political affiliation networks, which change into corruption networks in circumstances such as those of the public administration.

This thesis is dedicated to government anti-corruption struggle in the period from 1999 to present. The key objective is to evaluate which of the measures specified in the government policies were fulfilled and if they have a real impact on reducing the scope for corruption. The theoretical part explains the concept of corruption and the basis of the various typologies of this concept. Following the demarcation of motives for corrupt behavior and the costs associated with this behavior, then I allude to various ways of measuring corruption used in the Czech environment. Next chapter focuses on the definition of corruption from the perspective of criminal law whereas links to crimes with signs of corruption. In the practical part are incorporated findings from previous chapters to evaluate the government's anti-corruption policies within a specified period. The conclusion analyzes the nuanced measures which government has overlooked and also assesses the priorities of particular parts of Anti-Corruption Barometer, which are not sufficiently applied in the Czech Republic.

Qu'est-ce que la Responsabilité Sociale des Entreprises (RSE) et peut-elle être induite par la demande ? Le fait de fournir un bien public est-il rentable pour les entreprises ou ces biens devraient-ils être exclusivement fournis par l’État ? Les produits verts sont-ils excessivement chers et devraient-ils être taxés ? Une fois la taxe imposée, qui seront les bénéficiaires et qui paiera effectivement la taxe ? En quoi les résultats dépendent-ils de la complémentarité ou substituabilité entre l'investissement en RSE en question et le bien public fourni par l’État ? Le chapitre 1 de cette dissertation répond à ces questions et crée un cadre conceptuel pour approfondir l'analyse, dans les chapitres suivants, de la RSE en tant que pratique désirable par laquelle les entreprises fournissent un bien public à côté du bien privé qu'elles produisent. Une des questions qui émergent de l'analyse est le besoin d'identifier et d'explorer une nouvelle forme de dichotomie qui est l'arbitrage entre la fourniture du bien public par le marché via la RSE et sa fourniture à travers l’État. Cette question est très intéressante dans le cas des pays en développement, mais aussi des pays développés, où les entreprises ont des liens politiques importants. Le chapitre 2 montre que les entreprises ayant des liens politiques - ou, dans le cas extrême, les hommes d'affaire-politiciens - sont en mesure d'influencer le gouvernement pour réduire le niveau de bien public qu'il fournit afin de maximiser le rendement réputationnel de leur investissement en RSE. Le mécanisme est le suivant. Un niveau de bien public insuffisant fourni par l'Etat offre des gains politiques importants pour les firmes qui contribuent à ce bien à travers leurs activités de RSE pour corriger la défaillance de l’État. Les consommateurs se méfient alors des vraies motivations des entreprises derrière ces activités, elles pourraient résulter de leur bienfaisance mais aussi de leur cupidité politique. Toutefois, comme toutes les entreprises, y compris les plus bienfaisantes et les plus opportunistes, participent, le fait qu'affaires et politique interfèrent ne détériore pas la réputation des participants à la RSE puisque ces gains politiques sont tellement importants que tout le monde s'y engage. La corruption devient socialement acceptable dans le sens où elle n'est pas sanctionnée en termes de réputation. Le chapitre 3 fournit une explication stratégique du phénomène de la corruption devenant épidémique dans une économie. Il explique pourquoi la corruption, sous forme de prise de pot-de-vin, peut se répandre entre les différentes agences du gouvernement sous le simple effet de l'interdépendance de leurs efforts. / What is Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and can it be demand-driven ? Is there a business case for corporates providing the public good or should it be solely provided by the government ? Are green products over-priced and should they be taxed ? If they are, who are the beneficiaries and who are the actual tax payers ? Will results differ whether the CSR investments in question complement or substitute for the government provision of public goods ? Chapter 1 of this Ph.D. dissertation will address these questions and create a conceptual framework for further analysis in subsequent chapters of CSR as a desirable activity whereby firms provide a public good alongside the private good they produce. One of the main issues that emerge from this analysis is the need to identify and explore a new kind of dichotomy, i.e. the trade-off between market provision of public goods via CSR and its public counterpart via the government. This question gains particular importance in the context of developing countries, as well as in some developed ones, where firms have strong political ties. In Chapter 2, it is shown that politically connected firms - or, at extreme, the business politicians - may try to influence the government to reduce its provision of the public good to maximize the reputational return on their CSR investments. The mechanism goes as follows. An underprovided public good offers the opportunity for large political benefits to firms stepping in the areas where the government fails to deliver through their CSR activities. Consumers are suspicious about the true motives for which firms engage in CSR, it may be out of benevolence or political greed, however, since all firms, including the greediest and the most prosocial ones participate, politics interfering with business does not spoil firms' image since those political benefits are so large that everyone does it. We refer to this phenomenon as corruption becoming a social norm. Chapter 3 provides a strategic explanation for this phenomenon of corruption being epidemic in the economy. It explains why corruption, in the form of bribe­taking, may become widespread among government agencies, for the mere reason that their efforts are interdependent.

Jordan has strived to manage a large-scale anti-corruption initiative for the public sector since 2006. Despite the implementation of laws and bodies mandated to address corruption, public trust of government remains low and the country’s position on international corruption rankings has not improved. This study seeks to investigate how the implementation of a large-scale anti-corruption initiative impacts the organizational culture of the country’s public sector. It proposes that wasta, a unique Arab phenomenon that promotes the values of loyalty, represents the most significant barrier to penetrating what is essentially a normalized culture of corruption in the Government of Jordan. The organizational culture theory model was adopted as the theoretical framework because of its ability to account for differences in culture where promoted values do not necessarily correspond with employee actions. Because literature in this area is rare, a qualitative exploratory methodology was chosen. Based on data saturation, a total of 19 semi-structured interviews were conducted on-site in Jordan with mid-level managers identified using snowball sampling. The results prove the theoretical proposal to be accurate and show that wasta has evolved to the deepest level of organizational culture. The results are sub-divided into two major themes: culture and leadership. The results show that wasta is a deeply held and engrained part of organizational culture and that it is difficult for anti-corruption efforts to change this culture in the Jordanian public sector. The thesis also demonstrate how leadership can be both something negative or something positive in the fight against wasta depending on how it is used.. The findings carry implications for public administration, foreign policy, and society as a whole especially with regard to the development of more effective anti-corruption strategies in Jordan and abroad. The specific contribution to knowledge of this thesis is the examination of how organizational cultural reforms impact public-sector organizations in the Middle Eastern context given the influence of wasta, which is not discussed in the literature but remains important for the field. Future research should consider the views of a wider variety of stakeholders, as well as the impact of wasta on organizational characteristics including performance and delivery of public services.

Cette thèse s’intéresse à l’impact des instabilités macroéconomiques sur les institutions dans les pays endéveloppement et au rôle joué par l’aide. Le rôle de l’histoire dans l’explication de ces impacts est aussiexaminé. La thèse se structure en quatre essais qui analysent l’impact des instabilités macroéconomiques, del’aide et de l’histoire sur les institutions essentiellement mesurées par des indices de démocratie et de corruption.Le premier chapitre résume la littérature sur les impacts de l’aide sur la qualité des institutions etanalyse les résultats controversés qui en ressortent. Le deuxième chapitre étudie l’impact de l’instabilitédes termes de l’échange sur la démocratie et le rôle que l’aide peut jouer dans ce contexte. Nous confirmonsl’hypothèse que l’aide peut bien avoir un impact positif sur la démocratie dans le long terme en atténuant leseffets néfastes de l’instabilité des termes de l’échange sur l’instabilité sur la croissance et ce, en rendant cettedernière plus stable. Le troisième chapitre s’intéresse à l’instabilité même de l’aide et aborde la questionde savoir si l’imprévisibilité des flux d’aide peuvent susciter ou aggraver la corruption et ainsi affaiblir lesinstitutions. Les résultats empiriques confirment cette hypothèse et montrent en plus que cet impact est plusimportant pour les pays ayant une faible qualité initiale des institutions. Le quatrième chapitre revienssur l’importance de ces conditions institutionnelles pré-Existantes pour expliquer les impacts institutionnelsde l’aide en introduisant le rôle de l’histoire et plus particulièrement le rôle des transferts institutionnels.Le chapitre conclut que la crise institutionnelle provoquée par l’échec de ces transferts explique en grandepartie les effets pervers perçus de l’aide sur la qualité des institutions. / This thesis examines the impact of macroeconomic instabilities on institutions in developing countries andthe role played by aid. The thesis further invetigates the role of history in explaining those impacts. Thethesis consists of four essays analyzing the impacts of macroinstabilities, aid and history on institutions. Thefirst chapter provides a comprehensive literature survey on the institutional impacts of aid and sheds lighton the controversial findings evidenced. The second chapter focuses on the impact of trade instability oninstitutions and the role that aid can play in this context. We provide evidence that aid can have a positiverole in democracy building in the long term by dampening the adverse effects of terms-Of-Trade instabilityon growth and thereby by making it more stable. The third chapter examines the instability of aid flowand addresses the question of whether unpredictable aid flows can create or aggravate corruption among theelites, and thereby weaken institutions. The findings from the empirical analysis provide evidence that higheraid unpredictability is associated with more rent-Seeking and corruption, this impact being more severe forthe countries having weak initial institutions. The fourth chapter investigates the extent to which thosepre-Existing institutional conditions matters for explaining the impacts of aid on institutions, by introducingthe role of history and more particularly the role of institutional transplantations. The chapter provides supportivefindings to the hypothesis that the institutional crisis caused by the unreceptive transplants largelyaccounts for aid’s impacts on the quality of institutions.

No description available.

Magister Legum - LLM / The culture of corruption is rooted deeply in Kenya. It may be described as an incurable infectious disease.1 Kenya has been ranked as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. For the last three years, Kenya has scored less than 27 percent in the Corruption Perceptions Index published by Transparency International. Corruption persists mainly because those in public office benefit from it and the existing institutions lack both the will and capacity to stop it. It persists despite the legislation, institutions and measures that have been put in place to fight it.3 The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission is the main institution mandated to combat corruption in Kenya. The primary anti-corruption laws are the Public Officer Ethics Act No 4 of 2003, the Leadership and Integrity Act No 18 of 2014, the Public Officer Ethics (Management, Verification and Access to Financial Declaration) Regulations of 2011 and the Kenyan Constitution of 2010. One of the key anti-corruption measures is the system of wealth declarations by public officials established by the Public Officer Ethics Act (POEA). The POEA did not have an easy passage into law. When it was introduced in 2002, Kenya was governed by the Kenya African National Union (KANU), led by President Moi. The regime was characterised by autocratic rule, high levels of politically sanctioned corruption, rapid economic decline and massive accumulation of wealth for the politically connected.4 Unsurprisingly, President Moi did not assent to the enactment of the POEA. The National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) came into power in 2003 and re-commenced the process to pass the POEA into law. This was done with a view to curbing corruption and bolstering donor confidence.5 Regrettably, the NARC administration quickly replicated the corrupt practices of its predecessor, despite being elected on a platform of zero tolerance towards corruption. The new administration, which had promised war on corruption, instead was embracing corruption and denying citizens constitutional reforms.