The purpose of this study was to examine drug counselors' experience of using reward as a work method and how a more lenient view on substance use can help foster the treatment process and reduce stigma surrounding drug use. The study is based on semi-structured interviews with 4 drug counselors from a municipality in Sweden. The study used a qualitative approach, and the results were analyzed using an abductive approach. The data was analyzed using Becker's theory on labeling and Goffman's theory on stigmatization. The results show that drug-counselors experience the use of reward in drug treatment as an effective tool in creating a positive association to both treatment and the counselors themselves. Reward also helps fulfill an important function in promoting a non-judgmental approach which the counselors then can build upon. The results also show the complexity regarding having a more tolerant outlook on drug consumption, but also that criminalization of drug use is seen as a contributing factor in the stigmatization of youth with substance use disorder. / Syftet med studien var att undersöka behandlares upplevelse av att använda belöning som arbetsmetod samt hur en mer tolerant syn på droganvändningsproblematik kan främja behandlingsprocessen och minska stigmatisering kring droganvändning. Datainsamlingsmetoden är semistrukturerade kvalitativa intervjuer med fyra missbruksbehandlare inom öppenvården. Studien har en kvalitativ ansats och resultatet analyserades utifrån ett abduktivt förhållningssätt. Data analyserades utifrån Beckers stämplingsteori samt Goffmans teori om stigma. Resultat visar att behandlarna upplever att belöning som arbetsmetod skapar en positiv association till såväl behandlarna som behandlingen i sig. Belöningen fyller även viktig funktion i att främja det icke dömande förhållningssättet som behandlarna arbetar utifrån. Vidare visar resultatet av studien att en tolerant syn på droganvändningsproblematik är komplext utifrån rådande lagstiftningen som kriminaliserar allt eget bruk av narkotika, samtidig som kriminaliseringen ses som en bidragande orsak till att ungdomar med en droganvändningsproblematik stigmatiseras.

In mid-2015 the European Union changed its response to the increase of migrants crossing the Mediterranean Sea from humanitarian to securitization and deterrence. In 2017 this became visible in the criminalization of search and rescue (SAR) organizations, which had an impact and both intended and unintended consequences. This study focuses on the impact of criminalization on the management of search and rescue NGOs in the Central Mediterranean Sea since 2017 by analysing changes in their recruitment, training and general management, their decision-making process when faced with (the risk of) criminalization and criminalization’s impact on their ability to fulfil their mission. This is done through analysing literature and conducting semi-structured interviews with four people who are active in SAR organizations affected by (the risk of) criminalization. This study finds that it is not generally known that authorities have changed strategies of criminalization. The previous more open form of criminalization partly strengthened one of the organizations as members became more resolute in their commitment to their mission and public support and donations increased by those who opposed the authorities’ strategy. The current strategy consists of mainly administrative hurdles, which are less visible but more difficult to manage for organizations.  Recruitment was impacted as there are fewer potential candidates and vetting increased. Trainings changed to give crew members additional information and enable them to obtain required licenses. In general management more sustainable structures were created for resilience to criminalization. In the decision-making process when faced with (the risk of) criminalization the organizations aim to be democratic, which makes the process more time-consuming and prone to internal conflict. The organizations’ ability to fulfil their missions was impacted by the negative influence of the media on their public image and needing to use resources for legal defence instead of SAR operations. There are currently less frequent SAR operations and it is increasingly difficult for small organizations to run their own ship.

In the European Union asylum and migration policy, the expressions “exclusion” and “externalization” are often used and encountered because the EU transfers the responsibility of migration control to non-EU states through readmission agreements. The EU does not have the capacity to receive all migrants, refugees and asylum seekers that seek protection in Europe, hence the agreements are constituted between the EU and other countries outside the EU on the basis of returning nationals and third country nationals who have been denied asylum. The purpose of this thesis is to explore how and to what extent are human rights embedded in the readmission agreements and in the materials that constitute the basis for the decision to enter into readmission agreements. This thesis also tends to analyze if and on what basis the readmission agreements pose potential consequences for asylum seekers, refugees and migrants. In order to answer the posed research questions, I have used a qualitative research method of case study and text analysis. I have used a theoretical framework of externalization and studied the cases of the EU-Ukraine agreement and the EU-Pakistan agreement. Today, the EU cannot guarantee the safety individuals that are being returned to either Ukraine or Pakistan, because both Ukraine and Pakistan lack functional human rights institutions and cannot practice what human rights instruments ordain because they lack the capacity to do so. The EU’s failing of safe returns for asylum seekers, refugees and migrants has consequently created situations of orbit and chain refoulment where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers risks being returned to their country of origin or passed around between countries.

The aim of this thesis is to study how cannabis is constructed in contemporary Sweden, which policy responses are promoted as rational, and how international cannabis trends are received in this context. The four papers are the result of analyzing empirical material from three different sub-studies: 1) a qualitative study of online discussions about cannabis and drug policy, 2) a qualitative and comparative study of print media articles from 2002 and 2012, and 3) a qualitative study of oral presentations from cannabis information symposia. All papers are based on a social constructionist approach. A point of departure is that attitudes and regulations on cannabis have changed in large parts of the Western world. In Sweden, however, strict prohibition of cannabis is still central in the national drug laws. Some of the main findings can thus be gathered in discussions on continuity and change. In Swedish online discussions, there seems to be a strong desire to change the national cannabis policy in line with international developments. This discussion propagates alternative views on cannabis, in which comparisons to alcohol become vital and more liberal cannabis policies become logical. These discussions are also characterized by continuity, as many arguments for liberal cannabis policies seem to be based on traditional social democratic values and prohibitionist “scaremongering” arguments. Continuity is also what seems to characterize traditional print media, where cannabis is generally portrayed as a potent and illegal drug producing social problems. However, this arena also shows signs of change, as the material from 2012 includes stories on cannabis as an economic asset as well as a recreational substance. Both traditional print media and cannabis information symposia focus on youth consumers, who are seen as particularly vulnerable to cannabis effects. Such constructions seem important for protecting prohibition from international influences and for a continuous discourse centered on the dangers of cannabis. It is concluded that cannabis appears to be able to represent almost anything. As such it can be “used” for any purpose to promote a whole set of ideas related to policy often based on what is considered as scientific evidence. Depending on the context, it thus seems possible that cannabis is medicinal, recreational, harmful, and addictive. If so, and if all of these constructions are in some way “real,” then it is suggested that cannabis necessitates a much more tailored and nuanced response than that which prohibition can offer.

Utilizada para reprimir movimentos sociais e manter a ordem, a polícia é tradicionalmente identificada com os interesses da direita. No Brasil, a criação da Polícia Militar no contexto político da ditadura civil-militar instaurada no país em 1964 facilita essa associação. No entanto, se por um lado policiais militares tendem a se aliar politicamente a setores da população que se opõem a instrumentos de responsabilização da polícia, encarados como fatores que dificultam o trabalho policial, por outro, são servidores públicos que reivindicam melhores condições de trabalho, o que abre a possibilidade para que se aproximem da esquerda ou pelo menos se distanciem da direita neoliberal. Alguns dos candidatos a deputado estadual mais votados em São Paulo são oriundos da Polícia Militar. O presente trabalho almeja investigar se os deputados da Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de São Paulo oriundos da Polícia Militar, das 14ª, 15ª e 16ª legislaturas (1999-2011), são responsivos ao eleitorado de direita; se adotam pontos de vista homogêneos sobre diversos temas (militarização da polícia, corrupção policial, missão da Polícia Militar, policiamento comunitário, ditadura, política criminal, movimentos sociais etc.); e como exercem a defesa dos interesses da Polícia Militar, uma corporação marcada por inúmeros conflitos internos, principalmente entre praças e oficiais. Para tanto, pesquisou-se em que zonas eleitorais esses deputados são proporcionalmente mais votados; problematizou-se a associação entre sensação de insegurança, defesa de bandeiras repressivas, percepção da corrupção e o voto em candidatos e partidos de direita; identificaram-se seus projetos de lei; compararam-se suas votações em plenário na 16ª legislatura (2007-2011); analisaram-se seus discursos na tribuna da ALESP, que foram contrastados com pesquisas de opinião pública, pesquisas de opinião de policiais militares e literatura sobre subculturas policiais. Da mesma forma, o trabalho discute as possíveis razões que levam policiais militares a se candidatarem a uma vaga no Poder Legislativo estadual. / The police are used to repress social movements and to keep the order, and are traditionally identified with the right wing interests. In Brazil, the Military Police was created within the political context of the civil/military dictatorship established in 1964 and eases such association; however, if on one hand military policemen tend to politically ally themselves with the population sectors contrary to instruments that hold the police liable, faced as factors making police work more difficult, on the other hand, military policemen are public servants claiming for better work conditions, and there is the possibility of they getting nearer to the left wing, or at least distancing themselves from the neoliberal right wing. Some candidates for deputies of the House of São Paulo State Legislative derive from the Military Police. The aim of this work is to investigate whether the deputies of the House of Representatives of the State of São Paulo from the Military Police, in the 14th, 15th and 16th legislatures (1999-2011), are responsive to the right wing electors, if they adopt similar viewpoints on several themes (police militarization, police corruption, Military Polices mission, community policing, dictatorship, criminal policy, social movements, etc.), and how they defend the Military Polices interests, a corporation marked by uncountable internal conflicts, mainly among police force and officers. For such purpose, the following issues were addressed: research about in which electoral zones those deputies are proportionally more voted; where one can see the connection among feeling of insecurity, defense of repressive flags, perception of corruption and voting in right wing candidates and parties; identification of their bills of law; their votes in plenary sessions in the 16th legislature (2007-2011) are compared; their speeches at ALESPs tribune are analyzed and contrasted with public opinion polls, opinion polls with military policemen and the literature on police subcultures. Likewise, the work discusses the possible reasons for military policemen running for an office in the State Legislative.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LANKER VINICIUS BORGES SILVA LANDIN.pdf: 1157352 bytes, checksum: a1647bfe8ff1c03ac85f2fcf2955db7a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-26 / This dissertation analyzes the white-collar crimes, selectivity and impunity. The investigation of this criminal modality is of paramount importance to Brazil, because contrary to what presents itself, this is one of the criminal activities that brings more harm to the Brazilian society, generating high financial losses, as the case of Petrobras, which is being investigated by Operation Lava jet. Even being involved in criminal activities, the white-collar criminals are not stereotyped as dangerous people to society, unlike what happens, for example, with the thieves. The stereotyping suffered by some criminals is one of the lines of the punishment selectivity of the approach in Brazil. White-collar crimes receive different treatment, if not privileged. The society, laws and agencies responsible for investigating and punishing those who commit crime have a greater tendency to promote exemplary punishment to common criminals, since these are considered dangerous to society. However, for the criminals of high society, the same punishment is not required, because this class is rarely labeled as a class of offenders. In addition, its close relationship with the media that allows use this to form and transmit a good social image. It is emphasized that impunity is taken for all crimes, but is more present in so-called white-collar crimes. For the research the hypothetical-deductive and statistical methods were used. The main findings are pessimistic , since impunity and selectivity serve as power maintenance tool of the great white-collar criminals , so the likelihood is remote to achieve modify the Brazilian criminal reality. / Esta dissertação analisa os crimes de colarinho branco, a seletividade e a impunidade. A investigação dessa modalidade criminosa é de suma importância para o Brasil, pois ao contrário do que se apresenta, essa é uma das práticas delituosas que mais danos traz à sociedade brasileira, gerando elevados prejuízos financeiros, como o caso da Petrobras, o qual está sendo investigado pela Operação Lava Jato. Mesmo estando envolvidos com atividades delituosas, os criminosos de colarinho branco não são estereotipados como pessoas perigosas para a sociedade, diferentemente do que ocorre, por exemplo, com os ladrões. A estereotipização sofrida por alguns criminosos é uma das linhas da abordagem da seletividade da punição no Brasil. Os crimes de colarinho branco recebem tratamento diferenciado, para não dizer privilegiado. A sociedade, as leis e os órgãos responsáveis pela investigação e punição de quem comete crime possuem uma grande tendência em promover a punição exemplar aos criminosos comuns, uma vez que estes são tidos como perigosos para sociedade. No entanto, em relação aos criminosos da alta sociedade, a mesma punição não é exigida, pois essa classe raramente é etiquetada como classe de delinquentes. Ademais, sua relação de proximidade com a mídia permite com que use desta para formar e transmitir uma boa imagem social. Ressalta-se que a impunidade é verificada em todos os crimes, mas se faz mais presente nos chamados crimes de colarinho branco. Para a realização da pesquisa foram utilizados os métodos hipotético-dedutivo e estatístico. Os principais resultados encontrados são pessimistas, posto que a impunidade e a seletividade servem como instrumento de manutenção do poder dos grandes criminosos do colarinho branco, sendo assim é remota a possibilidade de se conseguir modificar a realidade criminal brasileira.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-05-26T19:12:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 da_legitimidade.pdf: 5469602 bytes, checksum: 326477f81e3bfe439f276cee3e725f40 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-26T19:12:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 da_legitimidade.pdf: 5469602 bytes, checksum: 326477f81e3bfe439f276cee3e725f40 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-18 / Nenhuma / Esta tese de doutorado lida com aspectos relacionados com as modernas teorias do direito penal, desenvolvidas nos últimos anos, bem como se aliando o conhecimento das teorias sociais do pós-guerra, com enfoque consolidado na teoria dos sistemas sociais autopoiéticos. O objeto da tese foca os movimentos sociais no Brasil, especialmente aqueles relacionados com a conquista de terra e moradia nas zonas rural e urbana, conforme as especifidades da principal agremiação representativa desses movimentos: o Movimento de Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra (MST); que ganhou destaque na investigação científica por ter sido ao mesmo tempo protagonista das principais lutas sociais no país, nas últimas décadas, bem como acabou se tornando destinatário de ações repressivas do Estado, por meio de um processo de criminalização do movimento em geral ou das condutas de seus integrantes, dentro de um fenômeno conhecido como expansão punitiva do direito penal. Por outro lado, pretende demonstrar esta tese, no que tange à formaçã ode uma política criminal nacional, no âmbito de um Estado Democrático de Direito e no tocante à aplicabilidade das normas jurídico-penais em relação a movimentos sociais como o MST, que o atual processo de criminalização desse movimento social, por parte de representantes da comunidade jurídica (mormente o Ministério Público do Rio Grande do Sul), bem como pela atuação sistemática dos meios de comunicação, com a divulgação perante a opinião pública de condutas supostamente delituosas praticados por integrantes desses grupos, acaba por deslocar o foco das lutas sociais, exercidas enquanto um direito de protesto, constitucionalmente assegurado, por meio de ocupações de terra, passando a figurar esses atos como meras invasões, de caráter ilícito-penal, como que a prejudicar bens jurídicos tutelados pelas normas penais, como o direito de propriedade. Através dos conceitos de transconstitucionalismo e racionalidade transversal, busca-se, ao final, retornar ao aspecto dogmático da norma jurídica, enquanto expectativa normativa do sistema do direito, após uma exposição crítica da dinâmica havida entre os acoplamentos estruturais entre o sistema político e o sistema jurídico, mediado pelo sistema dos meios de comunicação, para identificar a crise da racionalidade do direito penal baseado na expansão punitiva, pelas irritações sucessivas do sistema jurídico pelo sistema midiático e pelas lutas com interesse de classe havidas no interior do sistema político, para propor uma busca de racionalidade do aparato jurídico-penal a partir da norma constitucional, vista como resultado dos acoplamentos entre o sistema político e o sistema jurídico. / This doctoral thesis deals with aspects of modern theories of criminal law have developed in recent years, as well as combining the knowledge of the social theories of post-war focus on consolidated theory of autopoietic social systems. The object of the thesis focuses on social movements in Brazil, especially those related to the conquest of land and housing in urban and rural areas, according to the specificities of the main guild representative of these movements: the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST), that gained prominence in scientific research to have been both social struggles of the main protagonist in the country in recent decades, and eventually became the recipient of repressive actions of the State, through a process of criminalization of the general movement of the pipes or its members, in a phenomenon known as expansion of the punitive criminal law. On the other hand, aims to demonstrate this thesis with regard to training an ode national criminal policy, under a democratic rule of law and regarding the applicability of criminal law, in relation to social movements like the MST, the current process of criminalization of social movements, by representatives of the legal community (especially the prosecutor of Rio Grande do Sul), as well as the systematic action of the media, with disclosure to the public from criminal conduct allegedly committed by members of these groups, just by shifting the focus of social struggle, exercised as a right to protest, constitutionally guaranteed through land occupations and renumbered these acts as mere raids, illegal-criminal character, as if to harm legally protected by criminal law such as the right of ownership.Through the concepts of rationality and transconstitucionalismo cross-search is in the end return to the dogmatic aspect of the rule of law, while normative system of law, after a critical exposition of the dynamics that took place between the structural couplings between the political system and legal system , mediated by the media to identify the crisis of rationality of criminal punishment based on the expansion, the successive irritation of the legal system and the media struggles with class interest that occurred within the political system, to propose a search rationality of the legal-criminal from the constitutional norm, seen as the result of couplings between the political system and legal system.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo central analisar o Sistema Penitenciário do Estado do Rio de Janeiro a partir do regime semi-aberto, tendo como campo de análise o Instituto Penal Oscar Stevenson, situado em Benfica, no município do Rio de Janeiro, voltado para um público carcerário feminino. Buscou-se verificar, sob o enfoque das presas, a expectativa e possibilidades de retorno ao convívio social; analisar os aspectos jurídico-institucionais referentes ao regime semi-aberto, no que tange a obtenção dos benefícios, junto a Lei de Execução Penal e identificar quais as parcerias que viabilizam a inserção delas no mercado de trabalho. Para a efetivação desse trabalho utilizou-se, preferencialmente os pressupostos teóricos e metodológicos da pesquisa quali-quantitativa, pois foi trabalhado não só no nível da objetividade, mas também no significado das ações e relações humanas, sabendo que a realidade prisional é perpassada por questões de cunho opressor, punitivo, em função de preconizar a segurança. Foram realizados também levantamentos de dados bibliográficos e censitários, bem como entrevistas semi-estruturadas junto aos agentes penitenciários do setor de educação e classificação e principalmente as presas. A análise do material coletado permitiu confirmar as hipóteses da pesquisa: i) que a ausência de oportunidades que garantam às presas os benefícios do regime semi-aberto não se dá por falta de instrumentos legais, mas sim pela burocracia no cadastramento e poucas parcerias de cursos profissionalizantes, empresas privadas que absorvam mão-de-obra das presas do regime semi-aberto; e ii) e que no momento em que as presas ainda estavam no regime fechado, não tiveram oportunidades de se capacitarem e também os vínculos familiares não foram mantidos, com isso dificultando que estas usufruam dos benefícios do regime semi-aberto. E, conseqüentemente, sendo cada vez mais adiado o seu retorno gradativo ao convívio social, através da progressão de regime. / The present work has as objective central office to analyze the Penitentiary System of the State of Rio De Janeiro from the half-open regimen, having as analysis field the Criminal Institute Oscar Stevenson, situated in Benfica, in the city of Rio De Janeiro, come back toward a feminine jail public. One searched to verify, under the approach of the canine tooth, the expectation and possibilities of return to the social conviviality; to analyze the referring legal-institutional aspects to the half-open regimen, in what it refers to the attainment of the benefits, next to Law of Criminal Execution and to identify to which the partnerships that make possible the insertion of them in the work market. For the efetivação of this work it was used, preferential the estimated theoreticians and methodological of the quail-quantitative research, therefore it was worked not alone in the level of the objectivity, but also in the meaning of the actions and relations human beings, knowing that the prison reality is purposed by questions of oppressing matrix, punitive, in function to praise the security. Bibliographical and tax data-collectings had also been carried through, as well as interviews half-structuralized next to the penitentiary agents of the sector of education and classification and mainly the canine tooth. The analysis of the collected material allowed to confirm the hypotheses of the research: i) that the absence of chances that guarantee to the canine tooth the benefits of the half-open regimen not if of the one due to legal instruments, but yes for the bureaucracy in the cadastre and few partnerships of professionalizing courses, private companies who absorb man power of the canine tooth of the half-open regimen; e II) and that at the moment where the canine tooth still was in the closed regimen, they had not had chances of if to enable and the familiar bonds had also not been kept, with this making it difficult that these usufruct of the benefits of the half-open regimen. E, consequently, being each time more postponed its gradual return to the social conviviality, through the regimen progression.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente tese faz um estudo sobre a criminalização secundária e a justiça penal hegemônica a partir da análise criminológica do caso de Eldorado de Carajás. A metodologia usada é a pesquisa bibliográfica agregada à pesquisa documental. Nestas, extraiu-se o discurso das criminalizações e sua função subterrânea no Estado Policial. A metodologia empreendida na realização deste trabalho parte da perspectiva do materialismo histórico. Os processos criminalizantes secundários subterrâneos não se exaurem em um momento efêmero, mas são a continuidade histórica de uma tragédia, de uma mesma matriz massacrante, seguindo a lógica da luta de classes. Essa continuação se dá pelas violências institucionais e estruturais com matriz nos conflitos agrários antecedentes e que detêm raízes legitimantes de massacres nos discursos criminológicos que vão do pré-positivismo ao criticismo contemporâneo. A comprovação da tese ocorre pela análise da ação penal que ficou mundialmente conhecida como O Caso do Massacre de Eldorado dos Carajás. O ponto de partida é a verificação concreta do respectivo caso, avançando para uma concepção abstrata da criminalização secundária subterrânea. O papel de pulsão vingativa do Estado contra a miséria e a adesão subjetiva à barbárie pela Justiça Penal deixam claros seu caráter hegemônico e a existência de uma criminalização vitimológica (secundária e subterrânea) em razão da distribuição desigual dos bens positivos e negativos aos condenados da terra. / This thesis is a study about the secondary criminalization and the hegemonic criminal justice from the criminological analysis of the Eldorado de Carajás case. The used methodology is literature assembled with documental research from which the discourse of the decriminalization and its furtive role inside the Police State was extracted. The method undertaken to perform this work starts from the perspective of the historical materialism. The secondary and illegal criminalizing processes do not wear themselves out in a fleeting moment, but, are the historical continuity of a tragedy, from an equal massacre matrix, following the logic of the class struggle. Such continuation happens through the structural and institutional violence rooted in the previous agrarian conflicts and holds legitimizing roots of massacres in the criminological discourses that go from pre-positivism to contemporary criticism periods. The proof of the thesis happens with the analysis of the prosecution worldwide known as O Caso do Massacre de Eldorado dos Carajás. The starting point is the concrete verification of the respective case, moving towards an abstract conception of the secondary and furtive criminalization. The role of the vengeful impulse of the State against misery and the subjective adhesion by the Criminal Justice to the barbarism make clear their hegemonic character and the existence of a victimological criminalization (secondary and furtive) due to the uneven distribution of both positive and negative rights to the land wretched ones.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-04T15:05:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Fernanda Maria da Costa Vieira.pdf: 2529012 bytes, checksum: 8d720183f132a0a02064c33bb6f76838 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-04T15:05:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Fernanda Maria da Costa Vieira.pdf: 2529012 bytes, checksum: 8d720183f132a0a02064c33bb6f76838 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-28 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / In 2007, as the dossier prepared by the Military Police which aimed to investigate the Movement of Landless Rural Workers and their links with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia in the north of Rio Grande do Sul, a series of legal actions have been developed , which disclose a conflict that surpasses the competition for territory and political projects and land from the Agricultural Federation of the State of Rio Grande do Sul X MST, with the significant role of the State and Federal Judiciary and the Ministry of Carazinho State and Federal Public , which features the criminal action based on the National Security Law (Law No. 7170/83) and public civil actions that aimed to reduce the performance of the MST, and the resolution of the Board of the Public Prosecutor decided that the extinction of the MST. We understand that the rescue of history that the criminal act is indicative of the current scenario of growth of speeches punitive brand of neoliberal hegemony, where there is an expansion of the processes of criminalization of poverty in general and social movements vindicated, territories marked by the unveiling concept of state of exception, while presenting a line (not so) continued with the colonial past, which is based on the notion of control and submission of the popular classes through the criminal statute. / Em 2007, a partir do dossi? elaborado pelo Brigada Militar, que se propunha a investigar o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra e seus v?nculos com as For?as Armadas Revolucion?rias da Col?mbia na regi?o Norte do Rio Grande do Sul, uma s?rie de a??es jur?dicas foram desenvolvidas, que desvelam um conflito que ultrapassa a disputa pelo territ?rio e de projetos pol?ticos e agr?rios entre Federa??o da Agricultura do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul X MST, contando com a atua??o significativa dos Judici?rios Estadual e Federal de Carazinho e do Minist?rio P?blico Estadual e Federal, onde se destacam a a??o penal com base na Lei de Seguran?a Nacional (Lei n? 7170/83) e A??es Civis P?blicas que objetivavam reduzir a atua??o do MST, bem como a delibera??o do Conselho Superior do Minist?rio P?blico que deliberou pela extin??o do MST. Entendemos que o resgate da hist?ria que gestou a a??o penal ? reveladora do cen?rio atual de crescimento dos discursos punitivos, marca da hegemonia neoliberal, onde se percebe uma amplia??o dos processos de criminaliza??o da pobreza em geral e dos movimentos sociais reivindicat?rios, desvelando territ?rios marcados pelo conceito de estado de exce??o, ao mesmo tempo em que apresenta uma linha (n?o t?o) cont?nua com o passado colonial, que se assenta na no??o de controle e submiss?o das classes populares por meio do estatuto penal.