Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-12-20T08:46:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Priscila Kiselar Mortelaro.pdf: 781184 bytes, checksum: acd55a6a307ed024697a54476ef3a94c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-20T08:46:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Priscila Kiselar Mortelaro.pdf: 781184 bytes, checksum: acd55a6a307ed024697a54476ef3a94c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-11 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The central aim of this research is to identify the versions of voluntary abortion present in the legislative process through the analysis of two specific bills, which propose either decriminalization or criminalization of such procedure even in the cases already provided by law: bills number 882/2015 and 478/2007, respectively. To understand the conditions that enable the criminalization of the ending of pregnancy, we will make use of Foucault’s theory concerning biopolitics and the apparatus (“dispositif”) of sexuality, since it allows us to conceive the rise of the process which politicizes maternity from the perspective of the life-imperative. To reach the aforementioned aim, we employ the theoretical-methodological approach from the discursive psychology, developed by the Centre for Studies and Research of Discursive Practices in Quotidian: rights, risks and health” (Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre Práticas Discursivas no Cotidiano: direitos, riscos e saúde - NUPRAD), also related to a constructionist attitude. In the first place, we carried out a systematization of legislative bills with regard to abortion proposed between 2007 and 2017. Next, an analysis of the justification of the two selected bills was made, searching for the voluntary abortion versions contained in them. Three versions were then identified: abortion as murder, abortion as a public health problem and abortion as a women’s right, which, in turn, involves the right to reproductive self-determination and the right to life. These versions establish between themselves oppositions, but also combine and complement each other, depending on their use / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo central identificar as versões de aborto voluntário presentes no processo legislativo por meio da análise de dois projetos de lei específicos que têm por foco a descriminalização ou a criminalização da prática nos casos já previstos por lei: o PL 882/2015 e o PL 478/2007, respectivamente. Para entendermos as condições que possibilitam a criminalização da interrupção da gestação, utilizaremos as teorizações de Michel Foucault acerca da biopolítica e do dispositivo da sexualidade, uma vez que nos permitem compreender a emergência do processo de politização da maternidade a partir do imperativo da vida. Para atingir o objetivo de pesquisa, empregamos a abordagem teórico-metodológica da psicologia discursiva desenvolvida no Núcleo de Estudos sobre Práticas Discursivas no Cotidiano: direitos, riscos e saúde (NUPRAD), que se inscreve no âmbito de uma postura construcionista. Em um primeiro momento, realizamos uma sistematização dos projetos de lei concernentes ao aborto apresentados no período de 2007 a 2017. Em seguida, foi feita uma análise da justificativa dos dois projetos de lei selecionados, buscando as versões de aborto voluntário neles presentes. Três versões foram identificadas: o aborto como assassinato, o aborto como problema de saúde pública e o aborto como direito feminino que, por sua vez, contempla o direito à autodeterminação reprodutiva e o direito à vida. Versões que estabelecem entre si relações de oposição, mas também se associam e completam, dependendo de seu uso

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2018-02-07T17:23:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017 - Juliana da Silva Bragan?a.pdf: 3702282 bytes, checksum: 8026633437eb26ff16cf8f524afdf56d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-07T17:23:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017 - Juliana da Silva Bragan?a.pdf: 3702282 bytes, checksum: 8026633437eb26ff16cf8f524afdf56d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-29 / In view of the persecution against the carioca funk music that was developed during the 1990s (and intensified in the 2000s), this dissertation has as its main objective to find explanations for the criminalization of the carioca funk movement. In terms of sources, songs released throughout this decade were used, also laws and draft laws that were specifically aimed at funk music and especially the contents presented in ?Jornal do Brasil? during this same period, which had as main theme the carioca funk. The analysis of the selected sources allowed to conclude that the persecution carried out by the public power against the manifestations of the carioca funk (mainly the funk dances) were the result of the persecution against the adherents of the movement, that is, against the funk dancers (funkeiros); mostly black, young, poor and favela dwellers. In this sense, the occurrence of organized gang-sackings in October of 1992 marks the history of the funk movement, once the suburban funkeiros were pointed out as the main culprits of the pillages occurred in the beaches of the South Zone. From this blame, a stigmatized image had been built upon the funkeiros by the mainstream media that reduced them to potential violent, dangerous, and criminal subjects. This was evidenced in the fact that the absolute majority of the events about carioca funk music in ?Jornal do Brasil? have presented the funk music and the funkeiros in a negative way.We therefore perceive that the criminalization of funk music in the 1990s was largely based on racism and social prejudices against black, poor, favela dwellers, which represented funk?s greatest producing and consuming mass. / Tendo em vista a persegui??o contra o funk carioca, desenvolvida ao longo da d?cada de 1990 (e intensificada nos anos 2000), esta disserta??o teve como objetivo principal encontrar explica??es para a criminaliza??o do movimento funk carioca. Nesse sentido, foram utilizados, em termos de fontes, can??es lan?adas ao longo desta d?cada, leis e projetos de leis que se destinavam especificamente ao funk e, principalmente, os conte?dos presentes no Jornal do Brasil, neste mesmo per?odo, que tinham como tema principal o funk carioca. A an?lise das fontes selecionadas permitiu concluir que a persegui??o levada a cabo pelo poder p?blico contra as manifesta??es do funk carioca (sobretudo os bailes funk) eram fruto da persegui??o contra os adeptos do movimento, ou seja, contra os funkeiros, em sua maioria jovens negros, pobres e favelados. Nesse sentido, a ocorr?ncia dos arrast?es em outubro de 1992 marcam a hist?ria do movimento funk, uma vez que os funkeiros suburbanos foram apontados como os principais culpados pelos arrast?es que ocorreram nas praias da Zona Sul. A partir desta culpabiliza??o, fora constru?da sobre os funkeiros pela grande m?dia uma imagem estigmatizada que os reduziu a sujeitos violentos, perigosos e criminosos em potencial. Isto ficou comprovado no fato de a maioria absoluta das ocorr?ncias sobre o funk carioca no Jornal do Brasil ter apresentado o funk e os funkeiros de forma negativa. Percebemos, portanto, que a criminaliza??o do funk na d?cada de 1990 esteve calcada, em grande medida, no racismo e nos preconceitos de origem social contra os jovens negros, pobres e favelados, que representavam a grande massa produtora e consumidora do funk.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1Dissertacao Izaque.pdf: 1106614 bytes, checksum: 5750ad3c5ffc73e55fc06b6efb663cb2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-07-24 / This paper presents the results of violence analysis elements and the criminalization of poor, as well as some of its developments in the field of social and educational policies in the context of capitalism - the latter included as part of the first. Therefore, we review the main changes in the capitalist mode of production and how these changes affected the relationship between the State, ways of production and society. We demonstrate that as far as the dictates of Big Capital and the State shall proceed to incorporate such ideologies, concepts of democracy and equality become relativized. Also, the role of the state - which should be to mediate relations with a view to ensure equal treatment to all - is not the case of practicing. Thus, overestimating the precepts of the mode of production and ignoring the individual needs is to have an environment in which there is a decrease in the welfare state and, in order to contain the emergence of conflicts, the growth of a criminal state, violent, repressive, and especially suited for the layers seen as subordinated. From these conflicts, generated by the process of capital accumulation and bitter absence from the state - that is remiss not to interfere with this process, is beginning a new meaning with a regard to violence and crime: it creates the need for identify the "enemies" who must be controlled; speeches are now turning to quick fixes and not structural. In the field of social policies, measures are being fueled immediacy of nature and merely welfare, the policies in the field of criminal / penal has been getting hard, this hardening, which follows a request from society and goes to live in a climate of insecurity and fear, policies toward education in this context become redemptive treated - as if they had conditions per se equate social ills and avoid directing the individual to crime. And as we were delving in our analysis we noticed that all the proposed capital movements legitimized by the state in order to guarantee "social peace and order" would indeed keep the hegemonic character of capitalism and the legitimacy of a bourgeois society. / Nesta dissertação apresentamos os resultados da análise de elementos da violência e da criminalização dos pobres, bem como alguns de seus desdobramentos no campo das políticas sociais e educacionais estas últimas compreendidas como parte integrante das primeiras. Para tanto, buscamos verificar as principais mudanças ocorridas no modo de produção capitalista e de que forma tais mudanças repercutiram na relação entre o Estado, modo de produção e sociedade. Demonstramos que na medida em que os ditames do Capital avançam e o Estado passa a incorporar tais ideologias, os conceitos de democracia e igualdade passam a ser relativizados. Também neste sentido o papel do Estado, que do ponto de vista da equidade, deveria ser o de mediar as relações com vistas a garantir um tratamento igualitário a todos, não se verifica na prática. Dessa forma, supervalorizando os preceitos do modo de produção e desconsiderando as necessidades dos indivíduos, passa-se a ter um ambiente no qual se verifica uma diminuição do Estado Social e, com vistas a conter o surgimento de conflitos, o crescimento de um Estado Penal violento, repressivo, direcionado especialmente para as camadas tidas como subalternas. A partir desses conflitos gerados pelo próprio processo de acumulação do capital e acirrados a partir da ausência do Estado - que se faz omisso para não interferir nesse processo- tem inicio uma ressignificação no que diz respeito à violência e criminalidade: cria-se a necessidade de se identificar os inimigos a quem se deve combater; os discursos passam a se voltar para soluções paliativas e não estruturais. No campo das políticas sociais, passam a ser fomentadas medidas de cunho imediatistas e meramente assistencialistas; no campo das políticas criminais/penais, o endurecimento das formas de enfrentamento, endurecimento este que vem ao encontro de um pedido da própria sociedade que passa a viver em um clima de insegurança e medo; as políticas voltadas para a educação neste contexto passam a ser tratadas de forma redentora - como se tivessem condições de per si equacionar as mazelas sociais e evitar o direcionamento do indivíduo para o crime. E na medida em que vamos nos aprofundando em nossas análises percebemos que toda movimentação proposta pelo capital e legitimada pelo Estado com vistas a garantir a ordem e paz social acaba, de fato, por manter o caráter hegemônico do capitalismo e a legitimidade da sociedade burguesa.

Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to identify and appraise within the Ghanaian environment the level of regulations in combat of money laundering and terrorism financing, the extent of the regulation and the effectiveness of the regulations or laws. Method: Research methodology will be based on qualitative data collection and analysis approach which will consider the gathering of information personally by the researcher including interviews based on structured or semi-structures questions to potential respondents Theory: The theory considered various concepts of money laundering that exist. The chosen concepts identified the various typologies of the money laundering, the negative effects and the regulations adopted in the fight against money laundering in the light of internationally accepted standards. Analysis: The analysis was modeled around four set of issue as a means of evaluating the money laundering regulations in Ghana. They include extent of nation’s vulnerability to Money Laundering; existing Laws or Regulations; the Conformity of Laws or regulations to international standards and an overview of the new anti-money laundering law. Conclusion: Research and analysis revealed that the nation is susceptible to money laundering though it has existing regulations to combat the menace. The forms of money laundering are many and there seems to be very little public knowledge about money laundering. Financial sector of the economy is expanding and there is a need for a more rigorous means for the combat of laundering as its effect on the sector could be disastrous. The New Anti – Money Laundering law, Anti – Money Laundering Act 2008, Act 749 is timely but it has not been operational, the Financial Intelligence Center is yet to be set up since the enactment of the act in January in 2008; as at the time of writing this conclusion there is a new government in power and this government is yet to constitute a full cabinet of ministers or substantive ministers of state hence it is quite impossible to estimate when the Financial Intelligence Centre; according to France (BoG) during my interview with her, she mentioned that the Center is to be formed under the supervision of Ministry of Finance. Not withstanding, the yet to be formed Center, there has been some exiting laws or regulations from Bank of Ghana for the financial institutions in combat of money laundering and terrorism financing. 83% respondents agreed that there are existing regulations and Laws but only one respondent representing 17% indicted that those laws can best be cosmetic. The forms of existing regulations identified are as follows: The (KYC) Know Your Client or Know Your Customer Policy; (PEP) Politically Exposed Persons Policy; (CDD) Customer Due Diligence; (EDD) Enhanced Due Diligence and also regulations for banks to adopted a policy of setting threshold for which any cash or cheque deposit into an account should register to an investigate unit of the bank, such that any amount above the threshold raises an alarm for further investigation and so is any huge withdrawal request. In evaluating the existing regulations, two main assessment points were use as yardstick. They are conformity to international standards and effectiveness of the laws or regulations. Ghana is a member of the Inter-Governmental Action Group against Money Laundering and Terrorism Financing in West Africa (GIABA) which has formulated some for steps member countries to follow in their design of their internal policies in combat of Money Laundering. These steps are based on the 40 recommendation and the 9 special recommendations. Clearly it is noted that the few regulations or directives from Bank of Ghana conform to the FATF recommendations. For example • The (KYC) Know Your Customer directive, (CDD) Customer Due Diligence directive and (EDD) Enhanced Due Diligence directive that Bank of Ghana issued to the banks conform with Recommendations 4 to 12 of FATF. • The (PEP) Politically Exposed Persons directive which enables the banks deal with political figures of other countries is an international co-operation and a need for mutual legal assistance, these two conforms with the FAFT Recommendation 35 and FAFT recommendations 36 to 39 and again of FATF Recommendation 40. • The policies on threshold level also conforms to FAFT recommendations 17 to 21 as depicted in the literature review. From the examples given above there are clear indications that the regulations conform to international standards. The effectiveness of the regulation was set to detail or show how wide enough the regulation is in tackling the menace a stake, it should equally involve the institutions that will regulate, implement and enforce the regulations and finally the regulations should be enforced or to be seen a such. However the general picture is that the Laws or Regulations prior to the new Act 749 hasn’t been too effective. The respondents who agreed that there are existing laws or regulations once again agreed there are some lax in the enforcement of the regulations. Roi (SFO) believes that if there is any regulation at all, they can only be said to be just cosmetic. / ftontoh@yahoo.com; +233244284956;+233244212902

This study's purpose is to investigate the expansion of social control efforts in American elementary and secondary school settings, particularly the use of zero-tolerance policies. These policies entail automatic punishments, such as suspensions, expulsions, and referrals to the juvenile and criminal justice systems for a host of school-based infractions. The widespread implementation of zero-tolerance policies and the application of harsh, exclusionary sanctions have intensified over the past decade. Numerous studies have documented this rise; however, there has been little effort to explore the explanation of the expansion of school-based social controls. A potential explanation is found in the application of political economic theories in relation to the increased use and evolving nature of social control in the neoliberal era of capitalism. As such, the current study employs a new theoretical approach, which utilizes neoliberal theory combined with theoretical components from existing metanarratives in the literature. By using this new approach in regard to school-based social control, the connection between the expansion of social control of the working class and marginal populations in the criminal justice process, and the retraction of the social safety nets that characterized neoliberal capitalism is extended to the explanation of trends in the social control of school-based infractions. This investigation incorporates a qualitative, empirical exploration of how these school criminalization efforts have been implemented and legitimized by the state, specifically through the authority of the courts. By engaging in textual analysis, the jurisprudential intent that informs both the relevant state appellate and Supreme Court decisions was subjected to legal exegeses to determine how and if the judicial system legitimizes the practice of zero tolerance in schools, which are consistent with neoliberal ideals. In addition, a quantitative component, to this overall study, examined nationally representative School Survey on Crime and Safety (SSOCS) data across three academic years to determine if school security measures and disciplinary actions were increasingly applied to marginal populations in elementary and secondary schools over time. Results from the qualitative inquiry revealed that in the overwhelming majority of court cases evaluated, the courts decided in a fashion that reinforces zero-tolerance policies as legitimate neoliberal social controls in schools. Several theoretically relevant themes emerged from the jurisprudential intent, which are transferable for further theory development and future research. Quantitative findings reveal that, over time, the total disciplinary actions and removals from school without continued educational services are disproportionately applied to schools with the highest percentages of minority students and students who reside in high-crime areas compared to schools with the lowest percentages of minority students and students who reside in high-crime areas. Conversely, the results also reveal that the average use of school security measures (e.g., metal detectors, access controls, security guards, etc.) are more likely to be used in schools with the lowest percentages of minority students than schools with the highest percentages of minorities over time. These results are discussed in detail, and recommendations for changes in school policies and practices are offered, while being mindful of evidence-based best practices that may serve as viable alternatives to the zero-tolerance policies currently being used. Avenues for future research and theory development are also outlined.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Latino youth experience factors unique to their own ethnicity, and it is partly these factors which play a significant role in their decision to engage in delinquent activity. Perpetual bias, criminalization, and punitive punishment at the hands of those with authoritative power also contribute to Latino youth’s decisions to engage in delinquent activity as a coping mechanism. Although trends in Latino youth crime have been decreasing and are presently at historic lows, an analysis of the factors that drive the respective trends will allow insight into creating policy suggestions to benefit the growing Latino community as a whole. Motivation to reduce trends in Latino youth crime primarily through a deep understanding of the culture include utilized its strengths to successfully rehabilitate and nurture at-risk youth. Implementation of community-based groups in at-risk neighborhoods should be the first step to laying the groundwork of reducing Latino youth crime.

Neste texto gostaria de apresentar uma investigação sobre as associações de criminalidade investidas na figura do camelô através da Teoria Ator-rede. Diante da realização de dois grandes eventos, a Copa do Mundo em 2014 e os jogos Olímpicos em 2016, foi estabelecido um plano municipal de ordem pública com diagnósticos e proposições a fim de gerir a cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Uma dessas proposições envolve a política do Choque de Ordem que parte do princípio que a desordem urbana é um deflagrador de atividades criminosas. Assim, iniciou-se um processo de higienização das ruas da cidade, que refletiu sobre o trabalho do camelô. Logo, as políticas públicas promovidas para esta cidade aparecem como foco de discussão neste trabalho. Principalmente, como o tema da criminalidade se vincula ou é vinculado à figura do camelô. / In this text we would like to present an investigation into the crime associations invested in figure of camelô by Actor-Network Theory. Before the completion of two major events, the World Cup in 2014 and the Olympics in 2016, a plan was established municipal public with diagnoses and proposals to manage the city of Rio de Janeiro. One of these propositions involves the policy "Choque de Ordem" it assumes that urban disorder is a trigger for criminal activities. Thus began a process of "cleaning" the streets of the city, which reflected on the work of the street vendor. Soon, the public policies adopted for this city appear as a focus of discussion in this work.

A vigente política brasileira sobre drogas aloca, aos que as consomem ou aos que as comercializam, ao patamar da ilegalidade – ainda que preveja a diferenciação de fronteiras imprecisas, entre consumo e tráfico. A conjuntura proibicionista proporciona a existência de complexas redes sociais, entre os que mais lucram, e não são identificados como tais, e os que são passíveis de punição/correção. Estes últimos são os que se encontram na porção final da rede de vendas de drogas, em geral ocupada por jovens pobres, fato denunciado no contexto das medidas socioeducativas descritas por este trabalho. Esta dissertação é o resultado de um processo cartográfico junto a jovens em cumprimento de medidas socioeducativas em meio aberto por envolvimento no comércio de drogas, a partir da inserção em grupos de Prestação de Serviços à Comunidade e de Liberdade Assistida. Apresento aqui os elementos vivenciados no período da pesquisa, relacionando-os com as noções de criminalização das juventudes, biopoder e de medicalização do social, analisando como estes se expressam na contemporaneidade e como são trabalhados e (re)produzidos no contexto socioeducativo. Demonstrar como estes conceitos se articulam e constituem a produção de discursos na relação com jovens envolvidos/as com a rede de comércio de drogas, com as políticas públicas para crianças e jovens ao longo do tempo e com as instituições responsáveis pelas medidas socioeducativas em meio aberto foram as pistas percorridas por esta cartografia. Neste contexto é coerente questionar, serão os jovens que estão em conflito com as leis, ou as leis que estão em conflito com os jovens? / The current Brazilian substance misuse policy allocates to those who consume or to those who sell, the illegality – although providing a differentiation, yet of blurred boundaries between consumption and trafficking. The prohibitionist scenario provides the existence of complex social networks among those who profit from, and are not identified as such, and of those whom are punishable. The latter are those who are in the final portion of the drug sales network, generally occupied by poor young people, a fact reported in the context of socio-educational measures described in this work. This dissertation is the result of a social cartography process with young people in fulfilment of educational measures for involvement in the drug trade, part of the integration in Service Delivery groups to Community and Assisted Freedom. I present here the experiences during the research period, relating them to the criminalization of youths, biopower and the medicalization of social, analyzing how these are expressed in contemporary society and how they are worked out and (re)produced in the social and educational context. To demonstrate how these concepts are linked and constitute the production of discourse in relation to young people involved with the drug trade network, with public policies for children and young people over time and with the institutions responsible for social and educational measures were the hints used by this cartography. In this context it is relevant to question: is it the youths who are in conflict with the laws, or are the laws in conflict with the youths?

195f. / Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-09T14:32:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO - JORGE EMANUEL LUZ DE SOUZA.pdf: 2348560 bytes, checksum: 9c280ad2dbabb02897ac347102612b83 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-10-30T14:34:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO - JORGE EMANUEL LUZ DE SOUZA.pdf: 2348560 bytes, checksum: 9c280ad2dbabb02897ac347102612b83 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-30T14:34:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO - JORGE EMANUEL LUZ DE SOUZA.pdf: 2348560 bytes, checksum: 9c280ad2dbabb02897ac347102612b83 (MD5) / CAPES / Este trabalho pretende discutir o processo histórico da criminalização da maconha no Brasil pós-1930. Nesse sentido será analisado como se deu a construção do proibicionismo brasileiro das drogas durante o primeiro governos Vargas, que fundiu diretrizes condenatórias da Liga das Nações e características da política externa estadunidense às questões específicas da vida nacional num modelo próprio. Para perceber como esse proibicionismo funcionou na prática, vamos enveredar pelo cotidiano das classes subalternas de Salvador na década de 1950 através das páginas da imprensa diária, evidenciando o projeto de controle social que estava anexado à repressão da maconha. Por fim, se tentará compreender os possíveis significados atribuídos pelos usuários ao hábito do uso coletivo de maconha, demonstrando que a experiência histórica desses não se resumia ao estereótipo do “maconheiro doente e criminoso” apregoado pelo proibicionismo. This paper discusses the historical process of criminalization of marijuana in Brazil post-1930. This will be discussed as it was the construction of the Brazilian prohibition of drugs during the first Vargas government, which merged sentencing guidelines of the League of Nations and characteristics of U.S. foreign policy to the specific issues of national life in its own model. To see how this prohibition worked in practice, we will embark on the daily life of the lower classes of Salvador in the 1950s through the pages of daily newspapers, showing the project of social control that was attached to the repression of marijuana. Finally, we will try to understand the possible meanings attributed by users to the habit of collective use of marijuana, demonstrating that the historical experience of these was not just the stereotypical "pothead sick and criminal" advocated by the prohibition. / Salvador