Cette thèse intitulée Examen des formes d’appropriation des femmes à partir du témoignage de Waris Dirie dans Fleur du désert, vise à démontrer le caractère ubiquiste de l’appropriation des femmes. En me servant du témoignage écrit de Dirie comme fil conducteur, j’analyse différentes formes d’appropriation parmi celles qu’elle a connues en m’appuyant sur des concepts issus de la théorie féministe matérialiste française, principalement ceux qu’a élaborés Colette Guillaumin. Je recours également à l’épistémologie de la connaissance située et à l’analyse du discours afin de valider et d’interpréter le parcours de Dirie. Les trois principales formes d’appropriation que rencontre cette dernière et que j’étudie dans cette thèse sont l’excision comme type de mutilations génitales féminines, le mariage forcé, ainsi que l’imposition de diktats, d’un savoir-être et d’une sexualité féminine. Enfin, j’ouvre un questionnement sur l’établissement d’une citoyenneté égalitaire entre les différentes classes subissant un rapport de domination.

Philip Pettit claims his neorepublican theory of freedom as non-domination is preferable to the liberal ideal of non-interference, and he is right. But the reasons why he is right run deeper than is apparent if we attend solely to his arguments defending non-domination in negative terms. In fact, embedded in the three benefits that Pettit claims non-domination can offer (which non-interference cannot) lie significant resonances with a positive idea of freedom concerned with a person’s sense of agency. We find such an idea in Charles Taylor, where freedom as self-realization is intricately linked with his “significance view” of human agency. By adopting this Taylorian lens and assessing Pettit’s non-domination, I show that non-domination does have much to offer those of us who think of freedom primarily in positive terms and, more generally, to all those of us who believe that freedom and agency are inextricably linked and must be treated as such.

Pour aborder le déclin du mouvement étudiant et le changement d’attitude politique des jeunes Sud-Coréens dans les années 1990, cette recherche reprend la question classique de la soumission volontaire. La première partie explore, sur le plan théorique général, les mécanismes de la domination et du consentement à obéir. La seconde partie analyse des phénomènes particuliers à la Corée du Sud en s’appuyant sur la perspective théorique élaborée dans la première partie. A travers l’observation focalisée sur le rapport entre contrainte et légitimation, et en tenant compte du point de vue des acteurs soumis, la recherche démontre que la contrainte est toujours la base primordiale de la légitimation, même dans la domination dite démocratique. Elle suggère que, étant formellement libres mais pratiquement obligés de se comporter en fonction des dispositifs institutionnels du système démocratique libéral, les individus ont une affinité élective avec l’idéologie soutenant ces dispositifs, car elle leur fournit une bonne source d’autojustification de leur comportement de soumission. La mise en lumière de l’interaction de la contrainte et de la légitimation permet de mieux saisir la « docilité » des étudiants sud-coréens et leur implication dans l’idéologie de la globalisation sous le gouvernement civil. / In order to approach the decline of student protest movement and the change of political attitude of young South Koreans in the 1990s, this research resumes the classic question of the voluntary submission. The first part investigates, at the general theoretical level, the mechanisms of domination and consent to obey. The second part analyses particular phenomena of South Korea, based on the theoretical perspective developed in the first part. Through the observation focused on the relationship between constraint and legitimation, and by taking the viewpoint of submitted actors into account, the research demonstrates that the constraint is always the essential base of the legitimation, even under the democratic settings. It suggests that, as formally free but practically obliged to behave according to the institutional arrangements of liberal democratic system, individuals have an elective affinity with the ideology supporting these arrangements, because it provides them with a good source of self-justification for their submissive behaviour. This research aims to shed light on the interaction between constraint and legitimation, and accordingly, to suggests better explanation of the "docility" of the South Korean students and their involvement in the ideology of globalization under the civilian government.

Magister Artium (Psychology) - MA(Psych) / Violence against women is a profound social problem which has received much attention from feminists, academics, activists, media, and also government. One such form of violence is interracial rape. In South Africa, little is known about interracial rape (rape across race groups). The main aim of this study is to examine students' perceptions of power, gender and race in interracial rape. This thesis also explores what White male and female students said, and what Black male and female students said about power, race and gender when examining interracial rape. This study is based within an interpretive-hermeneutical paradigm, using qualitative methodology. Data was collected in six focus groups, three of which were held at a historically Black university and three at a historically White university. Both men and women participated in these groups. The data was analysed thematically with the aid of a computerised software package, Atlasti. The analysed text identified dominant and minor themes. The main themes that emerged were as follows: 1) a power and domination theme, 2) a justification of rape theme, 3) a race, racism and apartheid theme. The results indicate that power plays an important role in interracial rape. Power underpins both gendered and racial oppression. In interracial rape, racial oppression becomes dominant and takes on more prominence than gender oppression. It is thus fore mostly perceived as a racial issue

In 1956, shortly before Nigeria’s independence, Shell BP found crude oil in Oloibiri Bayelsa State marking a turning point in the socioeconomics and politics of the nation. Since then, oil has grown into a major export commodity comprising over ninety-five percent of the nation’s gross national product. The region is one of the world’s largest ecosystems, but due to the ongoing pollution, a direct result of the oil companies lacks potable water. This study addresses this humanitarian crisis and examines the agency of Nigeria’s federal government and the collaboration with multinational oil corporations’ contributions to the environmental deconstruction in the region. The thesis further investigates the historical moments building towards the uprising in Ogoniland, centered around the leader Ken-Saro Wiwa, who was killed by the Nigerian government. It examines social movements in the region, and aims to tie the local question to the federal question of unity in the country.

According to the traditional gender structures the man is seen as the breadwinner and the woman as the housewife. These traditional patterns are slowly being replaced by more equal relationships and today, women are a natural part of the workforce. It is becoming increasingly common nowadays for women in relationships to have a higher income than their partners. Previous research from the United States points out that the connection between the role as family provider and masculinity is still up to date. In this study the man’s experiences about not being the breadwinner is accordingly investigated. Questions about the division of labour in the home, equality in the relationship and how the man experiences the change of the traditional gender structures is in focus. This qualitative study finds its result based on six swedish male respondents experiences concerning not being the main wage earners. The result of the study indicate that these men is actively striving towards an equal daily life as it seems to be the ideal in Sweden. The interviewed men describe that they do not attach significant importance regarding them not being the breadwinner, but shades of strategies that are used to maintain parts of the traditional masculinity can however be interpreted. Keywords: / Enligt de traditionella könsstrukturerna så ses mannen som familjeförsörjaren och kvinnan ses som hemmafrun. Dessa traditionella mönster ersätts sakta men säkert av mer jämställda relationer och idag är kvinnor en naturlig del av arbetskraften. Det blir numer allt vanligare att kvinnan i relationer har en högre inkomst än sin partner. Tidigare forskning från USA poängterar att kopplingen mellan rollen som familjeförsörjare och manlighet fortfarande är aktuell. I denna studie undersöks därmed mannens upplevelser av att inte vara den huvudsakliga inkomsttagaren. Frågor gällande arbetsfördelningen i hemmet, jämställdhet i relationen och hur mannen upplever förändringen av de traditionella könsstrukturerna står i centrum. Denna kvalitativa studie finner sitt resultat baserat på sex svenska manliga intervjupersoners upplevelser angående att inte vara den huvudsakliga inkomsttagaren. Studiens resultat tyder på att dessa män aktivt strävar efter att leva ett jämställt vardagsliv då det tycks vara idealet i Sverige. De intervjuade männen beskriver att de inte fäster någon större betydelse vid att de inte är huvudinkomsttagaren, däremot kan nyanser uttydas av att strategier trots allt används för att bibehålla delar av den traditionella manligheten.

Although a great deal has been written over the past two decades on the armed struggle in South Africa and the role that the African National congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP)have played in it, virtually nothing of academic value has been written on the main vehicle of the struggle, namely Umkhonto we Sizwe or 'MK' as it is more commonly known. Besides the research undertaken by Edward Feit in the 1960's and the account left to us by Bruno Mtolo on the formation and activities of Umkhonto in Natal prior to the Rivonia events, most of the material that has been written on the subject of Umkhonto makes no meaningful contribution to the history and activities of the organisation. As a result a serious vacuum has been left in the history of the liberation movement but particularly the armed struggle in South Africa. There was therefore an urgent need for a systematic and detailed study of Umkhonto and the specific role it played in the liberation struggle since 1961. Identifying the need for this study vas however the easy part. Writing it on the other hand presented numerous complex problems, part of which was brought about by the lack of suitable source material, and the fact that the organisation vas proscribed by law. The problem was further compounded by the fact that although Umkhonto was created to be independent (initially at least) of the ANC and to fulfill a function that the ANC could not do in the 1960's, the two organisations became so closely associated with one another and with the SACP that most of the time it is very difficult if not nearly impossible, to always draw a clear distinction between the three of them. Of course the problem has not been made easier by the Press which, for the sake of simplicity and expediency, have chosen to equate the ANC and Umkhonto with one another. Virtually none of the newspapers which have reported on the armed struggle over the years have taken the trouble to draw any meaningful distinction between the organisation and activities of the ANC on the one hand and Umkhonto on the other. While it is true that the two organisations have very close ties and there is a strong degree of overlapping between both members and leaders, this research will show that the two organisations are nonetheless different from one another and have organisational structures and functions that support this. The main difference between the two organisations has always been the fact that while Umkhonto was specifically created as the military component of the ANC-SACP alliance, the ANC on the other hand has remained the main political instrument of the liberation movement. As such, members of the ANC were not supposed to undertake any direct military missions against apartheid targets in South Africa. At best they fulfilled a supportive role such as the distribution of propaganda, the provision of transport, the supply of weapons and the creation of weapons caches etc., to support Umkhonto's cadres in the field. The members of the ANC thus concerned themselves primarily with political and diplomatic work in the armed struggle. By the middle of the 1980's however, the relationship between the ANC and Umkhonto began to change when the political and military functions of the two organisations were brought together under the control of the newly created political-military-council (PMC)following the collapse of the ANC and Umkhonto's organizational structures in the frontline states of Mozambique and Swaziland, as a result of the South African government's persistant counter-insurgency operations. The new organisational structure that was set up by the beginning of 1983 to replace the defunct Regional Command and was sanctioned by the ANC and the SACP and accepted at the former's National Consultative Conference at Kabwe, Zambia, in 1985. This new direction in the armed struggle was further reflected in the decision to introduce compulsory military training for all members of the combined liberation movement. In theory thus, after 1985, all members of the ANC and the SACP were subjected to military training in Umkhonto's training camps in Angola and elsewhere. This move further helped to blur the lines between the ANC, the SACP and Umkhonto. Much of this will become clear in the course of this thesis. Where possible, interpretations will be attached to the facts to highlight certain developments in the armed struggle. Unfortunately, the facts pertaining to Umkhonto is not always volumous or conclusive enough to make statements that will withstand the test of time. The aim of this study is to examine the history of Umkhonto from its origins in 1961 to the end of 1988 when as a result of the New York Accord between South Africa, Cuba and Angola the ANC and Umkhonto were forced to remove all their military bases and personnel from Angola with immediate effect. Although this particular move severely crippled the ability of Umkhonto to continue with its armed struggle it vas not the only factor influencing its performance and status by the end of 1988. A host of other factors such as poor organisation, weak leadership, dissention, dissatisfaction with the role of the SACP in the liberation movement, and lack of sufficient funds among others also contributed to its weakened position by the end of the 1980's. These and other factors effecting the position and performance of Umkhonto are extensively dealt with in the second half of this study. Although increased cooperation between the military and political segments of the liberation movement became an important element in the armed struggle after 1985, the leadership of the ANC, the SACP and Umkhonto were not always in agreement on important issues. This became increasingly apparent towards the end of the 1980's when the combined effect of the South African government's counter-insurgency operations and the changes that were taking place in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe were beginning to have a direct affect on the position and future of the liberation alliance led by the ANC and the SACP. Although the ANC, like most political organisations, always had a fair share of dissention in its ranks the formation of Umkhonto in 1961, the destruction of the organisation's underground structures inside South Africa by the mid-1960'S and the growing hegemony of the SACP over both the ANC and Umkhonto's leadership since, have produced some serious dissention in the ranks of the liberation movement. The first came in 1975 with the expulsion of the African National Congress African nationalist faction from the ranks of the ANC. The second came with the isolation of the Okhela organisation which was reported to have been a predominantly white anti-communist organisation inside the ANC. The third attack was on the leadership of the liberation movement was averted with the expulsion of the dissident Marxist group known as the “Marxist Tendency within the ANC” in the early 1980's. Although the ANC and the SACP have always denied that the influence of these attacks on its combined leadership were in anyway serious, this study has shown that these developments in association with other developments had indeed a deep effect on the effectiveness of Umkhonto and the outcome of the armed struggle. The latter is particularly evident in the decision by Chris Hani, who was Chief of Staff of Umkhonto and his protégé, Steve Tshwete, to challenge the ANC's National Executive committee in 1981 to allow them to execute the decision taken at the Kabwe conference to extend Umkhonto's attacks to include white civilian targets inside South Africa. Although the ANC had accepted such action in principle at its Kabwe conference in 1985, it remained reluctant to fully implement it out of fear that such action could tarnish its image internationally and loose its much needed international support, particularly among the nations and people of Western Europe. Such considerations seemingly did not carry much support with Marxist radicals and militants such as Hani and others who preferred a military to a political or negotiated settlement in South Africa. With the support of the central Committee of the SACP (or rather. key elements of it) behind them, Hani and Tshwete issued a directive to all Umkhonto commanders in 1987 to extent their attacks to white civilian targets. The fact that the ANC did nothing to stop the directive or to counter Hani's actions is clear indication of the position that the military hardliners had come to occupy in the ANC-SACP alliance and Umkhonto by the latter part of the 1980's. Unfortunately for Hani and his followers, the signing of the New York Accord at the end of 1988 came as a severe setback to their plans and left them with a cause that was becoming increasingly difficult to execute successfully. This research will show that as a result of these developments and the changes that were taking place in the Soviet Union particularly with regards to Soviet Third World policy, the military hardliners in the ANC-SACP alliance and Umkhonto were increasingly forced to take a backseat to the views and activities of more moderate leaders such as Thabo Mbeki, who was the ANC's Chief of Foreign Affairs. In view of the above this study will show that the SACP since the early 1970'S has taken steadily control of the ANC and the liberation struggle in South Africa and that by the end of the 1980'S Umkhonto was more a fief of the SACP and its Central Committee than of the ANC and its National Executive Committee, which had a clear majority of communist members by 1988. Although some major developments have taken place since the signing of the New York Accord in December 1988, such as the unbanning of the ANC, the SACP and Umkhonto and the release of many political prisoners, these events and developments falls outside the scope of this study and are dealt with in the postscript. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

This article employs game theory to contribute to sociolinguistics (or the economics of language). From both the synchronic and the diachronic perspective, we are interested in the conditions (of language learning and literary production) that make some languages dominate others. Two results are particularly noteworthy: (i) Translations have an ambiguous effect on domination. (ii) We offer three different explanations of how a past language like Latin or Sanskrit can develop into a standard for literary production.

The thesis focuses on mother tongue education in The Gambia, attempting to analyse factors affecting its implementation in public lower basic schools across the country. The work is based on a field study investigating the strategies and the controversies behind multilingual education, with reference to a project launched in 2015 and aimed at the introduction of the seven Gambian national languages beside English

The complementary prism GḠ of a graph G is formed from the disjoint union of G and its complement Ḡ by adding the edges of a perfect matching between the corresponding vertices of G and Ḡ. A set S ⊆ V(G) is a double dominating set of G if for every v ∈ V(G)\S, v is adjacent to at least two vertices of S, and for every w ∈ S, w is adjacent to at least one vertex of S. The double domination number of G is the minimum cardinality of a double dominating set of G. We begin by determining the double domination number of complementary prisms of paths and cycles. Then we characterize the graphs G whose complementary prisms have small double domination numbers. Finally, we establish lower and upper bounds on the double domination number of GḠ and show that all values between these bounds are attainable.