This thesis addressed the arms export control in the Federal Republic of Germany during the tenure of chancellor Helmut Kohl and Gerhard Schröder between 1989 and 2005. To this end this thesis elaborated an analytical framework, which analyses this phenomenon thought government arms export policy. Due to lack of preceding research in this area it was necessary to devote significant space for conceptual definition of the arms export policy and contextualization of analytical framework. It was argued that arms export policy of the Federal Republic of Germany should be analyzed as a passive sub-category within security policy. Analytical framework employed to analyze the period between 1989 and 2005 thus reflected four factors or standpoints that exert influence on arms export policy (foreign pressures, security policy, European coordination and legislative and institutional framework). This thesis designed as disciplined interpretive case study posited two hypothesis based on concepts that have been partially applied to arms export phenomenon in different context and time period. First hypothesis concerns the nature of change of arms exports control, which was supposed to change between periods restriction and relaxation of export control. Second hypothesis postulates the nature of change of arms exports...

Ce mémoire est une étude de cas sur une francophonie locale et sur la réinterprétation de l’imaginaire d’une communauté francophone. Nous nous sommes basés sur le cas de la Bulgarie et de sa communauté bulgare francophone. Nous avons alors questionné la réinterprétation de l’imaginaire communautaire bulgare francophone depuis 1989. Pour répondre à cette interrogation, nous avons analysé les programmes scolaires du Ministère de l’Éducation bulgare pour l’apprentissage du Français Langue Étrangère, les manuels scolaires utilisés dans les lycées bilingues bulgares francophones. Puis, nous nous sommes entretenus avec des personnalités politiques, diplomatiques et professeurs de français en Bulgarie. Nos résultats soutiennent que l’imaginaire communautaire bulgare francophone a été réinterprété selon deux logiques. D’abord, dans une volonté d’européaniser la langue française et le Bulgare francophone, c’est-à-dire, d’interpréter le français comme langue de l’Europe, et former ensuite un individu européen plurilingue. La seconde logique consiste à déployer l’imaginaire bulgare francophone et la langue française en Bulgarie vers d’autres francophonies locales à défaut d’une vision seulement francocentrée. Ces deux aspirations ont été soutenues par des francophonistes – des individus qui ont re-pensé les représentations de la langue française et la définition de la francophonie bulgare. Ces francophonistes ont été placés dans diverses institutions en Bulgarie, notamment au sein de l’Association des professeurs de et en français de Bulgarie. En parallèle des actions de ces individus, d’autres structures et individus en place ont soutenu ou modéré ces deux aspirations – maintenant alors parfois le francocentrisme au sein de l’imaginaire bulgare francophone. / This paper is a case study of a local francophonie and the reinterpretation of the imaginary of a Francophone community. We focused on the case of Bulgaria and its Bulgarian francophone community. Then we questioned the reinterpretation of the imaginary of the Bulgarian French-speaking community since 1989. To answer this question, we analysed the Bulgarian Ministry of Education's curricula for learning French as a foreign language and the textbooks used in bilingual French-speaking Bulgarian high schools. We also interviewed leading Bulgarian politicians, francophone diplomats and French teachers. Our results show that the Bulgarian francophone community imaginary has been reinterpreted according to two logics. On the one hand, into a desire to Europeanise the French language and French-speaking Bulgarian, meaning, to interpret French as the language of Europe, and then to form a plurilingual European individual. The second aim is to extend the French-speaking Bulgarian imaginary and the French language in Bulgaria to other local francophonies, rather than having only a francocentric vision. These two aspirations have been supported by francophonists - individuals who have rethought the representations of the French language and the definition of the Bulgarian francophonie. These francophonists were placed in various institutions in Bulgaria, notably within the Association des Professeurs de et en français de Bulgarie. Alongside the actions of these individuals, other structures and individuals in place have supported or moderated these two aspirations - sometimes maintaining Francocentrism within the Bulgarian Francophone imaginary.

Tous les etats issus du démembrement de l'urss ont dû résoudre, depuis 15 ans, une question fondamentale : celle de la définition et de l'affirmation de leur identité. ayant tous la même aspiration à la liberté, à l'autonomie productive, à l'ouverture au monde, ces pays ont commencé à réformer leurs systèmes juridiques, politiques et économiques. toutefois le droit international soviétique, spécifique, fermé dans son propre système et lié fortement à la politique extérieure de l'urss, continue à persister dans les etats post-soviétiques, malgré leur aspiration aux règles des sociétés occidentales juste après l'indépendance. ainsi, le renouvellement de la doctrine et de la pratique internationale des etats post-soviétiques se passe d'abord dans des conditions de permanence de la conception soviétique du droit international d'un côté et du désir de trouver sa place dans la communauté internationale de l'autre. cette rénovation ayant ses particularités dans chaque etat ex-soviétique, a affecté non seulement la formation de la pensée juridique et la pratique diplomatique de ces etats, mais aussi les rapports entre les droits internes et le droit international. c'est à l'époque de la fin de l'antagonisme des blocs qu'on observe l'intégration des etats issus de l'urss dans le monde de la nouvelle répartition des forces /... / International law is a « common language » but the vision of international law is far from being universal. It is a « multiplicity of particular national, regional, individual, institutional visions of international law. One can speak of the existence of regional American, Latin American, European, Asian, African approaches of law, but what about the geographical region of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics? In the XXth century one spoke about the Soviet conception of international law, which was a complex phenomenon, having its roots in the Russian legal school, combining the multiculturalism of the Russian Empire and the Soviet state and causing the division of the world into two blocks : Western and Soviet. For over twenty years that the Soviet Union no longer exists and the former Soviet states became independent and sovereign actors in the international arena. Can we therefore speak today about the existence of national approaches to international law of each state of the former USSR ? The objective of this thesis is to present the current state of doctrine and practice of the post-Soviet international law, considering the renewal of approaches of foreign policies of the post-Soviet states, and doctrinal concepts of international legal scholars. Does the post-Soviet doctrine of international law exist ? The contemporary international law is faced with challenges such as regionalization, globalization and the establishment of the rule of law in international law. Faced with these challenges, the doctrine and practice post-Soviet international law have been renewed. What approaches the post-Soviet states adopt in response to the contemporary challenges of regionalization, globalization and the establishment of the rule of law in international law?

The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This study analyses the possible impact of the European Union (EU) on the development of the relations between business interest groups and the government in Turkey, more precisely on the interventions of the business interest groups in domestic policy-making. Hence it deals with the links between the progress of the relationship between Turkey and the EU and the development of domestic interest group activity in Turkey. <p><p>The progress of Turkey’s relations with the EU enhanced the visibility of the Turkish Peak Business Organizations (PBOs) in representing Turkish business interests in Brussels. Moreover, the evolution of the activities of the PBOs, provides a broader understanding of the developments of the general characteristics of the relations between the government and business interest groups in Turkey. Hence the investigation focuses on the major Turkish PBOs.<p><p>We examine the relations of Turkish PBOs with the EU, essentially, on the basis of the observation of their transnational actions within the EU as well as their participation in financial and technical assistance programmes of the EU and in the joint institutional structures of the association regime between Turkey and the EU. By analysing these two dimensions we assess the repercussions of the socialization of the Turkish PBOs on their strategies of action in dealing with European Affairs, on discourses they adopted regarding domestic policy-making and on their organizational structure and policy agenda.<p><p>We elaborate our topic with reference to the Europeanization concept, which covers the examination of the consequences of the European governance on national systems. Through the Europeanization concept we observe the correlation between the progress of the Turkey-EU relations and the ongoing process of change in the patterns of interventions of the Turkish business interest groups in domestic policy-making. <p> / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished