Focusing on the legacies of the Algerian War of Independence (1954-62), this thesis challenges the perception that this was the ‘war without a name’ by exploring the ways in which memories have been preserved, mobilised, and transmitted by those who experienced the conflict, but who have generally operated under the radar of public consciousness. In particular, it examines the pieds-noirs, the former European settlers of Algeria, and the harkis, Algerians who fought for the French as auxiliaries during the war. Finding their lives in Algeria untenable upon independence, both populations migrated en masse to France where they have organised collectively as diaspora communities to challenge the hegemony of official narratives in order to legitimate their own interpretations of this contentious past. The purpose of such an investigation is to re-evaluate the conventional historical periodisation of a ‘forgotten’ war that made a dramatic return to public attention during the 1990s by revealing a continual presence of memory and commemorative activity within these communities. Through consultation of a wide range of sources, including extensive use of previously neglected audiovisual material, the historical recollections of these two communities are reconstructed in detail and examined from a comparative perspective. This thesis also seeks to analyse and historicize the present guerres de mémoire phenomenon whereby as the public profile of the war has risen in recent years, the different historical interpretations held by groups such as the pieds-noirs and harkis have increasingly come into open conflict, particularly over the issue of commemoration with each seeking to see their version of the past enshrined in official rituals and monuments. Finally, the thesis offers new historical context intended to contribute to enhancing understanding of the ongoing process by which France continues to ‘face up’ to its colonial past and deal with the complex contemporary legacies of this era.

The wars of dispossession and land claims amongst the various racial groups caused dissatisfaction which led them to split from each other enabling the Whites to possess greater part of the South African soil. Because the Xhosas had their own system of education, the Whites felt that the Xhosas had first to be anglicised in order to 'tame' them. Missionary institutions such as Lovedale, Healdtown and St Matthews were established to Christianise the Xhosas. The missionaries succeeded in their endeavour because the Xhosas started sending their children to the missionary institutions already established and this influenced the Xhosas to establish their own tribal schools that would cater for secondary education facilities. The <Jovernmenr· subsidised the tribal communities to establish secondary schools in their areas. Fifteen,secoodary schools were established enabling the communities to exercise control over their own schools as the missionary institutions were controlled by the Cape Department of Education. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (History of Education)

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This study entails an historical investigation of how the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC) has addressed the ecumenical tension between ecclesiology and ethics in its history between 1963 and 2013. The study is arguably the first comprehensive analysis of the history of the AACC focussing on ecclesiology and ethics and will therefore make an original contribution to ecumenical theology in Africa in this regard. The study argues that the tension between what the church is (read: ecclesiology) and what it does (read: ethics) has undeniably been present in the ecumenical movement in Africa. The study is situated within two concentric contexts. Firstly, it is located within the context of the WCC study project on ecclesiology and ethics that was conducted during the period 1992 to 1996 and will contribute to wider discourse in this regard. The WCC project was an attempt to bridge a deep divide in the ecumenical movement between those who emphasise that the way to unity is through doctrinal agreement and those who believe that “doctrine divides” while a common moral cause (service) may unite. Secondly, this study is aimed at discerning how the AACC has addressed the relationship between the theological quest for unity (read: ecclesiology) and the social responsibility of the church (read: ethics). The study examines how the AACC assisted its member churches to respond to contemporary challenges in three distinct periods in recent African history, namely the periods of decolonisation (1963-1974), development (1975-1992) and neo-liberal globalisation (1993-2013). The hypothesis of this study is that these periods correlate with the AACC’s ways of negotiating the tension between ecclesiology and ethics. The study argues that although the AACC has privileged the social agenda of the church in society (read: ethics), the ecumenical quest for ecclesial unity (read: ecclesiology) has not been completely absent. While the study acknowledges that the tension between ecclesiology and ethics is not easily resolved, it affirms that these two ecumenical concerns are inseparable. The study therefore suggests an appropriation of the African notion of ubuntu as a horizon for ecclesiology and ethics. The intuition behind the proposal is that ubuntu resonates with biblical notions of koinonia and diakonia and is thus an apt notion for an articulation of the interconnectedness between ecclesiology and ethics. The study is divided into two parts, comprising eight chapters. The first part covers four chapters in which I offer an historical background to the modern ecumenical movement, an analysis of the ecclesiology and ethics debate in the wider ecumenical context and a brief institutional history of the AACC. The second part of the study comprises three chapters. Therein, I present a critical analysis of the AACC’s handling of the tension between ecclesiology and ethics in the period 1963-2013. Each chapter describes and analyses the various ways in which the AACC addressed the tension between the theological quest for the visible unity of the church on the one hand (read: ecclesiology) and the social responsibility of the church (read: ethics) on the other in specific socio-historical contexts. The hypothesis of the study is confirmed on the basis of such analysis. This study contributes to discourse in African theology on authenticity (read: ecclesiology) as expressed in theologies of inculturation and indigenisation and on social relevance (read: ethics) as expressed in theologies of liberation and reconstruction. It further contributes to academic reflection on the history of the ecumenical movement in Africa and the quest for an appropriate ecumenical vision on the African continent amidst the tensions between mainline churches, independent churches (AICs) and a variety of Pentecostal churches and the many social challenges that churches have to address. / Sakupapa, T.C. (2017). Ecclesiology and ethics: An analysis of the history of the All Africa Conference of Churches (1963 - 2013). PhD thesis. University of the Western Cape. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5534

Yes / This special issue gathers together a selection of short articles reflecting on the historical construction of inequality and race in the histories of archaeology. The articles also suggest ways in which the discipline might grapple with the—often obvious, sometimes subtle—consequences of that historical process. Solicited via an open call for papers in the summer of 2020 (one made with the aim of speedy publication), the breadth of the topics discussed in the articles reflect how inequality and race have become more prominent research themes within the histories of archaeology in the previous five-to-ten years. At the same time, the pieces show how research can—and should—be connected to attempts to promote social justice and an end to racial discrimination within archaeological practice, the archaeological profession, and the wider worlds with which the discipline interacts. Published at a time when a pandemic has not only swept the world, but also exposed such inequalities further, the special issue represents a positive intervention in what continues to be a contentious issue. / The EDH project was funded by the UK’s Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC), project number AH/S004580/1, and conducted in compliance with UCL’s ethical guidance, project id 14901/001.

In the world, power is unequally distributed, and so it is in the humanitariansector. After the inability of the humanitarian community to meet the localisationtargets set in the Grand Bargain, the failure has been attributed, among otherreasons, to international actors’ unwillingness to cede power. This thesis aims toexplore how INGOs can hand over control to local responders and use thelocalisation agenda to re-balance the unequal distribution of power amonghumanitarian actors. This study seeks to uncover how the colonial legacies still present in the sectorhave affected the efficacies of responses and, more specifically, the realisationof the commitments related to localisation. By interviewing a series ofhumanitarian professionals involved in the localisation efforts of theirorganisations, the empirical research has investigated the persistence andimpact of power imbalances in the work of humanitarians and collected theirsuggestions on the actions that INGOs could implement to facilitate the transferof control towards local responders. The thesis suggests that power imbalances might reduce in those cases whereINGOs adopt renewed localisation commitments which address the root causesof unequal power distribution. The recommendations at the end of this workmight be highly relevant for the global debate around redefining the localisationagenda in a way that satisfies both international and local actors while alsobenefiting affected communities.

Introduction. This thesis investigates the digitisation of Indigenous collections at the Museum of World Culture (Gothenburg, Sweden), with particular attention to Carlotta’s role in shaping the digital collections. Previous studies have shown that there is a need for more research on the practical aspects of digitisation efforts on Indigenous cultural heritage in Sweden. Method. The museum’s documentation—digitisation strategies, annual reports and other official documents—was explored. In addition, several interviews and participant observations were conducted. Qualitative content analysis was used to evaluate the empirical data Analysis. The qualitative analyses of this study’s empirical data used postcritical and postcolonial museological theories. Additionally, Bhabha´s Third Space theory was applied Results. The results show that the digitisation of collections at the museum according to the organisation´s plans, applying the recommended guidelines and considering the ethical implications that arise when working with Indigenous material has not been achieved. Moreover, the results show that Carlotta is not a suitable collections management system for Indigenous cultural heritage. Conclusion. This study concludes that the Museum of World Culture needs to adapt the goals of its digitisation processes to the type of collections and resources they have and incorporate a decolonisation computing approach. In addition, there is a need for official regulations or guidelines addressed to those working with Indigenous collections in Swedish libraries, archives and museums. / <p>The thesis was funded by the Swedish National Archives (Riksarkivet samfond 2023).</p>

La situation économique, sociale et politique des nations autochtones au Canada et leur relation avec les nations non-autochtones présentent des similarités avec les anciennes colonies européennes. Peut-on qualifier cette relation de « coloniale » ? Cette interrogation est primordiale, vu les aspects immoraux et illégaux que prit la colonisation. Nous parcourrons la pensée d’auteurs reliés au libéralisme, au nationalisme autochtone et à l’interculturalisme et nous choisirons ce dernier comme angle d’approche. Nous élaborerons ensuite le concept de colonisation interne et nous le confronterons au cas des autochtones. Puis, nous présenterons les motivations à la décolonisation ainsi que la composition d’un hypothétique État postcolonial canadien et de nations et communautés autochtones décolonisées. Finalement, nous analyserons la démarche judiciaire, la négociation d’ententes d’autonomie gouvernementale, la mobilisation des masses et l’approche des word warriors, l’objectif étant d’évaluer jusqu’à quel point ces moyens s’inscrivent dans un éventuel processus de décolonisation des nations autochtones. / The social, political and economic situation of the aboriginal nations in Canada and their relations with non-aboriginal Canadians exhibits parallels with the European colonies of the past. Are there enough of these to identify the contemporary Canadian case as "colonial"? The question is a fundamental one, given the illegal, not to mention immoral, features of colonialism. In order to answer it, this memoire explores the writing of liberal, nationalist aboriginal, and "intercultural" thinkers, and concludes in favour of the latter. Then, using the intercultural approach, the concept of "internal colonialisation" is developed and applied to the case of Canadian aboriginals. This is followed by arguments in favour of their decolonialisation as well as a hypothetical account of a postcolonial Canada. Finally, a number of strategies for bringing the latter about are evaluated: the legal justice route; negotiation over governmental autonomy; mass mobilisation; and the "word warriors" approach.

Après un peu plus de deux décennies d’un système de parti unique, le Cameroun a connu le retour aupluralisme politique au début des années 1990. Ce retour au multipartisme a conduit à une certaine libération de la parole, à une libéralisation politique et des revendications d’appartenances. Le nouvel espace de liberté a contribué à soulever, dans la sphère sociopolitique nationale, la problématique relative à la construction nationale postcoloniale dans un pays où cohabitent un double héritage colonial (franco-britannique) localement domestiqué et des centaines d’appartenances locales d’ordreethno régional, linguistique et religieux. La problématique de la construction nationale, dans un tel contexte de multi appartenance, constitue le propos central de cette étude et porte plus précisément sur la libération manifeste de l’expression des frustrations de la minorité anglophone du Cameroun. Il yest notamment démontré comment le Cameroun moderne, issu de la réunification entre l’ancien territoire du Cameroun sous tutelle française et la partie méridionale de l’ancien Cameroun britannique, gère son double héritage colonial dans un espace d’une diversité labyrinthique. Une gestion parfois concurrentielle, hégémonique et népotique des appartenances ou des identités, identités relatives au double héritage colonial franco-britannique, mais également identités tribales ou ethno régionales, enfin un processus de démocratisation plutôt frivole, illusoire et languissant, semblent entretenir ce qu’on nomme désormais au Cameroun : « la question anglophone » ou encore « le problème anglophone ». / In the early 1990s, just over two decades of a single-party system, Cameroon experienced a return to political pluralism. The multiparty system then led to some free speech, to some political relaxation and claims of belonging as well. The then new area of freedom conduced to the raising, at the sociopolitical level, of the issue of postcolonial nation-building in a country where a double colonial legacy (Anglo-French), locally re-appropriated, has coexisted with hundreds of local particularities of ethno-regional, linguistic and religious nature. The issue of nation-building in such a multiple belonging context is actually the very objective of this study, which focuses on the evident liberation in the manifestation of the English-speaking minority’s frustrations in Cameroon after the political relaxation in the early 1990s. The study shows how the modern State of Cameroon, resulting from the reunification of the former French Cameroon and the former British Southern Cameroons, manages its double colonial legacy in an area of a labyrinthine diversity. What has now been termed in Cameroon as: “the Anglophone Problem” seems to have been nurtured by a competitive, hegemonic and nepotistic management, at times, of heritage or identities – identities regarding the Anglo-French colonial heritage. It has also been revealed by tribal or ethno regional identities and by a democratisation process, which can be seen as rather trivial, illusive and lackadaisical.

L'évocation de l'Île Maurice fait rêver : ses couleurs « arc-en-ciel », ses plages paradisiaques et sa population accueillante sont bien connues dans le monde. L'île a été tour à tour colonie hollandaise, colonie française et colonie britannique. Aujourd'hui, elle fait toujours partie du Commonwealth, au même titre que d'autres ex-colonies, notamment l'Inde. Après presqu'un siècle et demi de domination britannique (1810-1968), Maurice est aujourd'hui une république indépendante qui souffre des maux typiques de la décolonisation et de l'ère postcoloniale. On y observe les problèmes liés à la construction identitaire, comme dans les sociétés multiethniques, sur lesquels se greffent des dysfonctionnements liés aux inégalités entre les groupes qui composent le pays. Cette thèse se propose de dépasser l'image idyllique que nous avons de cette île, pour nous concentrer sur la vie quotidienne de ses habitants, plus spécifiquement sur les relations sociales qu'entretiennent les « Créoles » avec les autres groupes en présence. Nous tentons d'identifier et d'expliquer les raisons pour lesquelles une certaine catégorie de Créoles est particulièrement touchée par la pauvreté et les discriminations, ce qui entraîne des fléaux tels que la prostitution, la drogue, l'alcoolisme, la violence domestique, le viol, les enfants des rues et les grossesses précoces. Après avoir rappelé les différentes phases de peuplement de l'Île Maurice, nous nous penchons sur les notions, parfois controversées, de « race », couleur, mondialisation, regard et perception, pour essayer de comprendre les relations assez conflictuelles entre les différentes communautés, notamment entre les Créoles et les Hindous. Nous émettons l'hypothèse selon laquelle le passé historique lié à l'esclavage, avec la déshumanisation dont ont été victimes les ancêtres d'un certain nombre de Créoles, pèse encore aujourd'hui sur leurs descendants. À travers des études de cas, des interviews et des observations, nous analysons les limites dans les relations interethniques, intergroupes et intercommunautaires, prenant en compte les particularités de chaque groupe afin de savoir dans quelle mesure certains peuvent être qualifiés d'ethnies, de communauté ou simplement de groupe. Le résultat de nos recherches sur le terrain nous montre que différentes formes de discrimination sont exercées contre les Créoles et qu'elles sont dues essentiellement au verrouillage exercé par les Hindous, les seuls véritables détenteurs des rênes politiques locales, en plus, bien entendu des riches Blancs et des riches Chinois. Nous observons cependant que les Créoles semblent enfin commencer à accepter leur identité, dans un monde postcolonial où ils s'autonomisent et se distancient d'un passé esclavagiste. / The image conveyed by Mauritius is full of fantasy with pretty rainbow colours everywhere, beaches of white sand and friendly people. The island was alternately a Dutch, a French and a British colony. It is still a member of the Commonwealth, like other former British colonies, including India. After almost one and a half century under British rules (1810-1968), Mauritius is now an independent Republic, which suffers from the typical trauma linked to decolonisation and the post-colonial era. As a result, we can spot problems linked to identity construction in multiethnic societies along with the dysfunctions related to inequalities among the groups in this country. This thesis proposes to go beyond the idyllic image that we have of this island, to focus on the daily life of its inhabitants, more specifically on the social relationships among the Creoles and between the Creoles and other groups. We try to identify and explain the reasons why a certain class of Creoles is particularly affected by poverty and discrimination, which lead to evils such as prostitution, drugs, alcoholism, domestic violence, rape, street children and teenage pregnancy. After recalling the different phases of settlement in Mauritius, we focus on some controversial concepts such as, "race", colour, globalisation, gaze and perception, to understand the rather conflicting relations among the different communities, especially between Creoles and Hindus. We hypothesise that the historical past and slavery – as well as the dehumanisation affecting Creole ancestors – are still weighing on their descendants. Through case studies, interviews and observations, we analyse the limits in inter-ethnic and inter-community relations, and attempt to define the specificities of each group to determine whether it can be considered as an ethnic group, a community or a simple social group. The results of our field research show that different forms of discrimination are exercised against the Creoles, and that they are mainly due to obstruction by the Hindus, the only true ‘owners' of local political power along with the wealthy Whites and the wealthy Chinese. However, we observe that the Creoles finally seem to accept their identity in a postcolonial world where they find empowerment and are able to distance themselves from their ancestors' slave past.

La situation économique, sociale et politique des nations autochtones au Canada et leur relation avec les nations non-autochtones présentent des similarités avec les anciennes colonies européennes. Peut-on qualifier cette relation de « coloniale » ? Cette interrogation est primordiale, vu les aspects immoraux et illégaux que prit la colonisation. Nous parcourrons la pensée d’auteurs reliés au libéralisme, au nationalisme autochtone et à l’interculturalisme et nous choisirons ce dernier comme angle d’approche. Nous élaborerons ensuite le concept de colonisation interne et nous le confronterons au cas des autochtones. Puis, nous présenterons les motivations à la décolonisation ainsi que la composition d’un hypothétique État postcolonial canadien et de nations et communautés autochtones décolonisées. Finalement, nous analyserons la démarche judiciaire, la négociation d’ententes d’autonomie gouvernementale, la mobilisation des masses et l’approche des word warriors, l’objectif étant d’évaluer jusqu’à quel point ces moyens s’inscrivent dans un éventuel processus de décolonisation des nations autochtones. / The social, political and economic situation of the aboriginal nations in Canada and their relations with non-aboriginal Canadians exhibits parallels with the European colonies of the past. Are there enough of these to identify the contemporary Canadian case as "colonial"? The question is a fundamental one, given the illegal, not to mention immoral, features of colonialism. In order to answer it, this memoire explores the writing of liberal, nationalist aboriginal, and "intercultural" thinkers, and concludes in favour of the latter. Then, using the intercultural approach, the concept of "internal colonialisation" is developed and applied to the case of Canadian aboriginals. This is followed by arguments in favour of their decolonialisation as well as a hypothetical account of a postcolonial Canada. Finally, a number of strategies for bringing the latter about are evaluated: the legal justice route; negotiation over governmental autonomy; mass mobilisation; and the "word warriors" approach.