[pt] No Brasil, o Rio de Janeiro é o único Estado com atribuição legal para demarcação de Faixas Marginais de Proteção, amparado pelo Decreto Estadual n.° 42.356/2010 que, para áreas urbanas consolidadas, permite aplicar limites inferiores aos limites mínimos do Código Florestal Brasileiro. As alterações das margens do rio Piabanha são relevantes devido à importância deste corpo hídrico para a melhoria da qualidade das águas do rio Paraíba do Sul que é o principal manancial de abastecimento do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Por meio do sensoriamento remoto via satélites foi possível identificar que, entre o ano de 2006 e o ano de 2019 a degradação ambiental nas áreas que deixaram de integrar as Faixas Marginais de Proteção do rio Piabanha/RJ foi crescente, apesar de também ter sido identificada regeneração de algumas áreas que, entretanto, não superara o quantitativo de áreas desmatadas ou que poderiam ter sido recuperadas. Assim, pode-se concluir que a revisão do Decreto Estadual n. 42.356/2010 é necessária, o qual não deveria ter sido editado sem previsão de aplicação de instrumentos urbanísticos que considerasse a regeneração e a recuperação das áreas das margens dos corpos hídricos e sem que houvesse um planejamento urbano com alternativas locacionais voltadas às questões das ocupações irregulares e futuras. / [en] The areas on the margins of rivers, due to their hydrological, geological and ecological characteristics, need to be properly demarcated to be monitored and protected against human actions. In this context, the Protection Marginal Strips are of great importance and, thus, discussions about the norms that aim to protect these areas in urban environment become relevant, as many cities appear and grow along water courses without observing the land use and occupation regimes. In the State of Rio de Janeiro, the Instituto Estadual do Ambiente (INEA) uses to demarcate the Protection Marginal Strips of river minimum limits determined by State Decree 42.356/2010 that admits, for consolidated urban areas, lower limits than those established by the Brazilian Forest Code. The Piabanha River, that has its source in the Serra do Mar, in the municipality of Petrópolis, and flows into the municipality of Três Rios, was chosen as the object of work due to its importance as a tributary of the Paraíba do Sul River, one of the main sources of Rio de Janeiro. In addition, it has a large part of its extension in the mountainous region of the state, where flood events are frequent. Therefore, the technical-scientific approach of this work seeks to verify occurrences of removal of natural protection by deforestation and anthropic occupations in areas that have been excluded to Protection Marginal Strips of the Piabanha/RJ river, in consolidated urban areas, after the edition of the State Decree 42.356/2010, when it started to be applied in the demarcation of Protection Marginal Strips of waterbodies in the State of Rio de Janeiro.

Submitted by Paulo Junior (paulo.jr@fgv.br) on 2011-04-27T19:31:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ciro Fernandes.pdf: 1255722 bytes, checksum: 97776e5ab1e556d90c255bf56e4de6e4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Paulo Junior(paulo.jr@fgv.br) on 2011-04-27T19:31:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Ciro Fernandes.pdf: 1255722 bytes, checksum: 97776e5ab1e556d90c255bf56e4de6e4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-04-28T13:07:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ciro Fernandes.pdf: 1255722 bytes, checksum: 97776e5ab1e556d90c255bf56e4de6e4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-26 / The thesis analyses political change in public procurement policy of Brazilian federal administration describing in a systematic way the six cases in which legal rules and procedures suffered substantial changes affecting general laws or statutes: the centralization of purchases in Vargas period, in two decisive moments (1931 and 1940); the revision of rules for bidding by Decree-law 200, in the context of president Castello Branco administrative reform; the enactment of a statute for biddings (Decree-law 2.300 ) in José Sarney government; the congressional approval of a general bidding law directed to fight corruption and collusion in public contracts (Law 8.666, of 1993 ); the frustrated attempt of a new bidding law aligned with the managerial public management reform of Fernando Henrique Cardoso government and the creation of reverse auction (pregão) as a new modality for bids, in 2000. The research focuses the political process of problem formulation, specification of solutions and decision-making, applying John Kingdon`s model to unfold the flows of political process, problems and solutions in each specific historical context. The six cases are described and compared by means of structured narratives and their analysis is supported on theoretical model categories to elucidate how the process of change is developed and which are the relevant actors, ideas, models and political events that explain their circumstances and result. / A tese analisa as mudanças da política de compras e contratações da administração pública federal brasileira descrevendo de forma sistemática os seis casos nos quais as regras e procedimentos sofrem alteração substancial, na forma de leis gerais ou estatutos: a centralização das compras no período Vargas, em dois momentos decisivos (1931 e 1940); a revisão das regras de licitação pelo Decreto-lei n. 200, no contexto da reforma administrativa do governo Castello Branco; a edição de um estatuto das licitações (o Decreto-lei n 2.300) no governo Sarney; a aprovação no Legislativo de uma lei de licitações voltada para o combate à corrupção e ao direcionamento dos contratos públicos (Lei 8.666); a tentativa frustrada de uma nova lei alinhada com a reforma gerencial do primeiro governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso e a criação do pregão como nova modalidade de licitação, em 2000. A pesquisa focaliza o processo político de formulação dos problemas, especificação de soluções e tomada de decisão, com base no modelo de John Kingdon, desdobrando a análise em fluxos do processo político, dos problemas emergentes e das soluções, em cada contexto histórico específico. Os seis casos são descritos por meio de narrativas estruturadas e comparados a partir das categorias do modelo teórico para elucidar como se desenvolveu o processo de mudança, quais os atores relevantes, idéias, modelos e eventos políticos que explicam suas circunstâncias e resultado.

La recente rforma del mecato del lavoro (legge n.92/2012) è intervenuta anche in materia di assocazione in partecipazione con apporto di lavoro. La finalità perseguita è stata combattere l'utilizzo abusivo di questa forma contrattuale, spesso usata per celare rapporti di lavoro subordinato puro e semplice. La suddetta riforma è stata in parte corretta dal recente decreto legge n. 76/2013, convertito con legge n. 99/2013, volto ad attenuare alcune rigidità.La tesi dottorale si propone un'analisi dell'istituto dell'associazione in partecipaione in generale, a partire dalla sua genesi e regolamentazione commercialistica, per concentrarsi successivamente sugli aspetti giuslavoristici e previdenziali allorchè l'apporto sia costituito da una pestazione di lavoro, nonchè sulle predette recenti modifiche di legge. / The recent reform of the labour market (law n. 92/2012)has also modified the regulation of the profit sharing agreement with labour supply. The aim was to fight the misuse of this form of contract, which often conceals genuine employment relationships. The above - mentioned reform has been partially corrected by the recent decree law n. 76/2013, converted into law n. 99/2013, in order to attenuate some rigidities. The doctoral dissertation is aimed at analysing the profit sharing agreement as a whole, starting from its origin and commercial regulation. Secondly it focuses on labour law and social security aspects of the schemes that involve the supply of human labour in exchange for the partipation in the profit sharing. Finally it focuses on the recent above - mentioned law reforms.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael Tocantins Maltez.pdf: 3910859 bytes, checksum: 09532e1840fa58ca5b5f01a0e4d819f7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-15 / The Federal Constitution includes as Union property the subterraneous natural cavities and archeological and pre-historic sites . According to this express provision, by itself, highlight the value, just as well interest of the Brazilian society in the protection of this assets, which was clearly elucidate by lawgiver in 1988. As an environmental heritage to be preserved, the subterraneous natural cavities which doesn t have a current regulatory legislation, nothing more than Executive Branch norms about this issue (in special decree n. 6.649/2008) the natural cavities certainly deserve analyses and more specific problematization, specially over the conflicts with others equally constitutionals values, what raises a clash between exploitation of natural resources to supply the present capitalist mode of production against preserving speleological patrimony by multiples values offered at no charge to the humanity. For that all, it is necessary to identify, from the Constitution, the juridical nature and the legal regime applicable to subterraneous natural cavities, for purposes of it s preservation and implementation of sustainable development in relation to mining, under state management of Union. On this perspective, the present thesis objective (i) identify the environmental speleological patrimony protected constitutionally; (ii) approach of economical exploration over subterraneous natural cavities, in clash between necessity of preservation; (iii) discourse about biodiversity protection and scientific and cultural heritage involved in the environment of this cavities; and (iv) expose the interferences of the mining activity in subterraneous natural cavities and the unique natural resources in danger of extinction, by oversight of regulatory provisions in force and the Union management. Based in problematic exposed and with mainstay in the basic reference reunited law, legal doctrine, treaty, jurisprudence , concludes that decree n. 6.640/2008 is unconstitutional and the subterraneous natural cavities have multiple legal nature, than deserve special legal regulations and, therefore, there is the draft bill n. 5071/1990 specifically treats the natural cavities , which has been processed for two decades and it is only pending a review of changes proposed by Federal Senate Substitute, since September 2011 / A Constituição Federal incluiu como bens da União as cavidades naturais subterrâneas e os sítios arqueológicos e pré-históricos . Essa disposição, por si só, evidencia o valor e o interesse da sociedade brasileira na proteção desses bens, traduzidos pelo legislador originário em 1988. Como patrimônio ambiental a ser preservado o qual não dispõe de legislação regulamentadora de regência, mas apenas de normas emanadas do Poder Executivo regulando a matéria (em especial o Decreto n. 6.640/2008) , as cavidades naturais são merecedoras de análise e problematização mais específicas, especialmente quanto aos conflitos com outros valores igualmente constitucionais, os quais suscitam o embate entre a exploração de recursos do ambiente natural para abastecer o atual modo de produção capitalista e a necessidade de preservar o patrimônio espeleológico pelos múltiplos valores que gratuitamente oferecem ao homem. Por tudo isso, é preciso identificar, a partir da Constituição, a natureza jurídica e o regime jurídico aplicáveis às cavidades naturais subterrâneas, para fins de sua preservação e aplicação do desenvolvimento sustentável em relação à mineração, sob gestão da União. Nesta perspectiva, a presente tese objetiva (i) identificar o patrimônio espeleológico ambiental tutelado constitucionalmente; (ii) abordar a exploração econômica das cavidades naturais subterrâneas, em confronto com a necessária preservação; (iii) discorrer sobre a proteção da biodiversidade e do patrimônio científico-cultural envoltos nos ambientes cavernícolas; e (iv) expor as interferências das atividades de mineração nas cavidades naturais subterrâneas e os recursos naturais peculiares em perigo de extinção, dado o descuido das disposições regulamentares em vigor e da gestão a cargo da União. A partir dos problemas apresentados e com esteio no referencial de base reunido legislação, tratados, doutrinas, jurisprudências , chega-se à conclusão de que o Decreto n. 6.640/2008 é inconstitucional e que as cavidades naturais subterrâneas possuem natureza jurídica múltipla, merecendo regulamentação legal, em sentido formal, específica e, para tanto, existe o PL n. 5.071/1990 especificamente das cavidades naturais , o qual tramita há mais de duas décadas e está pendente apenas de revisão das alterações a ele propostas pelo Substitutivo do Senado Federal, desde setembro de 2011

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Antonio Sampaio Gouveia.pdf: 1334739 bytes, checksum: 6f34861ea6aed5c556b757708bb96754 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-08 / The interim measure is an act of the Executive with force of law, by constitutional provision. Since ordinarily this legislative power has no jurisdiction to express and sometimes expresses dysfunctional abuse of the (Brazilian) President when it invades the jurisdiction of the Legislature, it confronts these powers. Within 120 days of its issue, if Congress does not appreciate it converting it into law, or rejects it, it loses its effectiveness with ex tunc effects. The legal relationship consummated under its support will be regulated by decree of the Legislature, issued within 60 days of these events. There will be legislative vacuum in fact, until the legislative decree is issued. Missing this, it will validate to the discipline of the legal relations it raised, causing questions about the constitutionality of this phenomenon. For this research, it was necessary literature on the subject that, in addition to numerous books, was marked by articles and journals, internet files and papers listed in the bibliography list of this work. After defining its juridical nature and studying its historical origins, with forays into the comparative Constitutional Law, claiming its constitutional condition, the clash of Power motivated by it is analyzed. A solution is proposed by concentrated control of constitutionality of the qualification requirements of provisional measures. It is impossible that void in law and claiming the unconstitutionality of co validation of provisional measures due to the lack of legislative decree, it is intended that these relations no longer depend on it and should be resolved by the judiciary / A medida provisória é ato do Executivo com força de lei, por dispositivo constitucional. Como ordinariamente este Poder não tem competência legislativa e por exprimir às vezes abuso disfuncional do Presidente da República quando invade a competência do Legislativo, confronta estes Poderes. Em 120 dias de sua edição, se o Congresso Nacional não a apreciar, convertendo-a em lei ou se a rejeitar, ela perderá eficácia com efeitos ex tunc. As relações jurídicas consumadas sob sua égide regulamentar-se-ão por decreto do Legislativo, editado em até 60 dias desses eventos. Haverá vácuo legislativo de fato, até que o decreto legislativo seja editado. Faltante esse, ela convalidar-se-á para disciplina das relações jurídicas que ensejou, causando indagações sobre a constitucionalidade deste fenômeno. Para esta pesquisa, foi necessário levantamento bibliográfico sobre o tema que, para além de inúmeros livros, pautou-se por artigos e periódicos, arquivos de internet e monografias, constantes na bibliografia do trabalho. Após definir sua natureza jurídica e estudar histórico de suas origens, com incursões pelo Direito Constitucional comparado, afirmando-se sua condição constitucional, analisa-se o confronto de Poder motivado por ela. Propõe-se solução pelo controle concentrado de constitucionalidade dos requisitos de habilitação das medidas provisórias. Conclui-se impossível esse vácuo de direito e afirmando-se a inconstitucionalidade da convalidação das medidas provisórias à falta desse decreto legislativo, pretende-se que estas relações não mais dependam dele, devendo ser solucionadas pelo Poder Judiciário

This thesis is about a remarkable experience lived through by Latvian émigrés in the mid-1950s. They were the targets of a Soviet repatriation campaign, operated by the KGB, which not only envisioned their repatriation to the Soviet Latvian homeland, but also anticipated the destruction of their émigré society as they knew it. The purpose of this thesis is to portray and analyze this repatriation campaign and the émigré Latvian reactions to it. By looking at the activities of the Committee For Return to the Motherland in East Berlin, the contents of the Latvian language repatriation newspaper Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē (For Return to the Motherland), and the reactions to the campaign in contemporary émigré press, this study shows how highly developed strategies and tactics were implemented in order to elicit certain behaviors from émigrés, and how émigrés advanced their own counter-strategies to offset the effects of the campaign. More specifically, this study examines the standardized narratives in Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē that were meant for émigré self-identification and emulation. This thesis proposes that the repatriation campaign was a highly complex Soviet propaganda effort. The publicly announced goal of repatriation included several parallel goals, aims, and purposes and encompassed many types of activities. Above all, deception was used to cover the actions undertaken against émigrés and to mislead host country governments and agencies. This thesis concludes that notwithstanding the Soviet superiority in organization and resources, a small, unprotected, and internally divided community could withstand the concerted efforts of Soviet propaganda if the group’s sense of mission was sufficiently strong and firm. / Denna avhandling behandlar de lettiska flyktingarna från andra världskriget och deras erfarenheter av ofrivilliga kontakter med Sovjetlettland vid mitten av 1950-talet, då flyktingarna blev måltavla för en sovjetisk repatrieringskampanj. Målet för denna kampanj var repatriering, dvs att få flyktingarna att återvända till hemlandet, det av Sovjet ockuperade Lettland. Ett annat mål var att splittra flyktingarnas sammanhållning. Avhandlingen beskriver och analyserar den sovjetiska repatrieringskampanjen och de lettiska flyktingarnas reaktioner. Studien bygger på källmaterial från kampanjverkamheten Committee For Return to the Motherland, som hade sin bas i Östberlin, samt från artiklar i den lettiskspråkiga tidskriften Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē (For Return to the Motherland) som riktade sig till de lettiska flyktingarna. Flyktingarnas reaktioner studeras genom en rad lettiska tidningar som utgavs i Väst. Min avhandling visar hur väl utvecklade strategier användes i syfte att framkalla önskade reaktioner från flyktingarna, samt vilka motåtgärder flyktingar själva utvecklade mot repatrieringskampanjen. Mer specifikt analyseras standardberättelser i Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē som var avsedda för flyktingarnas självidentifiering och igenkännande. Avhandlingen pekar på att den sovjetiska repatrieringskampanjen var en mycket komplex propagandaverksamhet. Utöver det offentligt tillkännagivna kampanjmålet fanns flera parallella målsättningar och avsikter som omfattade en stor mängd skiftande aktiviteter. En strategi som användes aktivt var vilseledning, bl a för att dölja verksamheter riktade mot flyktingarna, och för att förvilla statsledningar och myndigheter i de nationer där flyktingarna vistades. Avhandlingens slutsats är att trots den sovjetiska överlägsenheten i organisation och resurser kunde en liten oförsvarad och inom sig splittrad lettisk gemenskap motstå de samordnade ansträngningar från den sovjetiska propagandan.

Submitted by Danilo Valença Hernandes Vila (danilovhv@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-05-08T23:42:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_versão_final.pdf: 1192731 bytes, checksum: 7477c22036ef1b94b0fcd1bded38d99c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2018-05-09T22:24:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_versão_final.pdf: 1192731 bytes, checksum: 7477c22036ef1b94b0fcd1bded38d99c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzane Guimarães (suzane.guimaraes@fgv.br) on 2018-05-10T12:49:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_versão_final.pdf: 1192731 bytes, checksum: 7477c22036ef1b94b0fcd1bded38d99c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-10T12:49:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_versão_final.pdf: 1192731 bytes, checksum: 7477c22036ef1b94b0fcd1bded38d99c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-28 / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo estudar o controle concreto de constitucionalidade dos processos de crime comum contra prefeitos, definidos pelo art. 1º do Decreto-Lei 201/67, julgados pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal desde 1968 até 2016. Para tal, examinamos a literatura sobre o DL 201 e Poder Judiciário nas áreas do direito, ciência política e administração pública. Coletamos do site do Supremo 190 casos de recursos, inquéritos e ações penais originárias referentes ao art.1º do DL 201. Os processos foram lidos e extraímos informações para montagem de uma base de dados que nos permitisse analisar o processo de judicialização desse instrumento jurídico. Nosso achado é que, em via de controle concreto como recurso somado a uma decisão precedente de ação penal originária do DL 201, entre 1971 e 1987, ocorreu uma judicialização do tipo arbitragem de interesses em conflito, criando uma jurisprudência sobre o DL 201 com força vinculante sobre a primeira instância, para 'salvar' os prefeitos de um suposto uso politizado desse Decreto-Lei em nível local. A partir de 2003, em controle concreto de ação penal originária, não constatamos força vinculante para o Supremo nem para instâncias inferiores. Ao assumir cargos de deputado federal e fazer o processo subir ao Supremo, os ex-prefeitos praticam uma judicialização como tática de oposição, que tem como conseqüência grande número de prescrições e arquivamentos desses processos, um aumento de decisões majoritárias dos órgãos colegiados e queda da correlação entre voto do relator e resultado do julgamento. / This dissertation aims to study the concrete control of constitutionality of common crime proceedings against mayors defined by art. 1 of Decree-Law 201/67, judged in the Federal Supreme Court from 1968 to 2016. To this end, we have examined the literature on DL 201 and Judiciary in the areas of law, political science and public administration. We collected from the Supreme's website 190 cases of appeals, inquiries and criminal prosecutions referring to DL 201’s article 1. The cases were read and we extracted information to set up a database that would allow us to analyze the judicial process of this legal instrument. Our finding is that, through concrete control as a resource, added to a previous decision of criminal action originating in DL 201, between 1971 and 1987, there was a judicialization of the type of arbitration of conflicting interests, creating a jurisprudence on DL 201 with binding force on the lower courts to 'save' the mayors from an alleged politicized use of this Decree at the local level. As of 2003, in concrete control of the originating criminal action, we did not find a binding force either for the Supreme Court or for lower instances. In assuming positions of federal deputy, and bringing the process rise to the Supreme, the former mayors pratice a judicialization as a tactic of opposition, which has as consequence a great number of prescriptions and fillings of these actions, an increase of majority decisions of the collegiate organs and fall of correlation between the rapporteur's vote and the outcome of the trial.

This diploma thesis focuses on the valuation of family homes in Krnov in a manner determined by the decree and by the market value. Using variations of these two prices of family homes, a simplified mathematical model for determining market values of family homes in the area is created.

L’importante médiatisation de la « crise méditerranéenne » de 2015 a attiré l’attention de la communauté internationale sur les conséquences tragiques des crises migratoires et sur l’inertie des États européens. Néanmoins, en 2018, le gouvernement italien instaurait le Décret Salvini, une politique migratoire restrictive visant, entre autres, à réduire l’entrée et la présence de migrants et de réfugiés irréguliers sur son territoire. Les effets des politiques migratoires restrictives sur les flux migratoires sont grandement documentés. Or, la littérature portant sur les effets de ces politiques sur les migrations clandestines et sur la sécurité des réfugiés et des migrants demeure embryonnaire. Cette littérature soutient que ces politiques favorisent le recours à des canaux d’entrée illégaux, entraînent l’enfoncement dans l’irrégularité des réfugiés et des migrants, accentuent leur précarité et les rend plus vulnérables à diverses formes d’exploitations. À cet égard, en se basant sur une approche de sécurité humaine, la présente recherche s’intéresse aux effets du Décret Salvini sur la vulnérabilité des réfugiés et des migrants à la traite des personnes en Italie. Une analyse de données quantitatives et qualitatives est effectuée afin de tracer un portrait de l’enjeu migratoire en Italie et d’observer les impacts du Décret-loi. L’analyse établit que l’adoption du Décret Salvini a rendu plus vulnérables les réfugiés et les migrants à la traite des personnes en Italie. Cette vulnérabilité est principalement due à la conversion du Système de protection pour demandeurs d’asile et réfugiés (SPRAR) en Système de protection pour titulaires de protection internationale et mineurs étrangers non accompagnés (SIPROIMI). / The significant media coverage of the “Mediterranean crisis” of 2015 has drawn the attention of the international community to the tragic consequences of migration crises and to the inertia of European states. Nonetheless, in 2018, the Italian government introduced the Salvini Decree, a restrictive migration policy aimed, among other things, at reducing the entry and presence of irregular migrants and refugees on its territory. The effects of restrictive migration policies on migratory flows are widely documented. However, the literature on the effects of these policies on irregular migration and on the safety of migrants and refugees remains embryonic. This literature argues that these policies favour the use of illegal entry channels, lead to the deepening of migrants and refugees into irregularity, increase their precariousness and make them more vulnerable to various forms of exploitation. In this regard, this research is based on a human security approach and examines the effects of the Salvini Decree on the vulnerability of refugees and migrants to human trafficking in Italy. Quantitative and qualitative data is here analyzed to better assess the migratory situation in Italy since 2013 as well as the impacts of the Decree-Law. The analysis establishes that the implementation of the Salvini Decree led to an increase of the vulnerability of migrants and refugees to Human trafficking in Italy. This is mainly due to the conversion of the Protection System for Asylum Seekers and Refugees (SPRAR) into the Protection System for International Protection Holders and Foreign Unaccompanied Minors (SIPROIMI).

The objective of this thesis draws on my experience acquired during the internship in Galeria De Arte Servando in Havana, where I have been given the opportunity to learn about Cuban culture as well as to witness the restrictions and difficulties in gallery activities due to the communist government. The first part of the thesis focuses on historical facts highlighting the art exchange between Czechoslovakia and Cuba, a common part of running the state institution in the past. It was a common practice both in Havana´s House of Czechoslovak Culture and in the House of Cuban Culture in Prague. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, both houses were closed and the Czechoslovak-Cuban relations in art and culture have never been restored. The study subsequently discusses the concept and realization of the exhibition prepared in collaboration with Cuban curator Yenisel Osuna Morales. The aim of the thesis is to try to initiate a dialogue between two countries, Cuba and the Czech Republic (former Czechoslovakia), countries with many differences, and probably even estranged nowadays. However, their relations were warm before, and they could be in many ways an inspiration. The primary outcome of this thesis is the exhibition project aimed at the topic of censorship in independent art, its influence on gallery activities and freedom of artistic expression in Cuba. The selection of cuban artists carried out by curator Yenisel Osuna Morales represents the topic of pluriculturalism, migration and diaspora. By means of exhibition exchange, I would like to refer to the terminated friendship between Cuba and former Czechoslovakia in the field of art. The purpose of these exhibitions is not only to present Czech contemporary art in Cuba but also to present Cuban art in the Czech Republic without any restrictions.