Drawing on a theoretical framework based on securitization and threat construction, the attempt in this study was to broaden the understanding of how the perception of a Russian threat in the Baltic Sea is influencing Swedish defence and security policy. The method used was based on Bacchis WPR-approach. Three questions were asked at the beginning of this study, regardning how Russia is viewed in Sweden, how the representation of Russia has changed from the war in Georgia in 2008 until 2018, as well as how Sweden is to strengthen it's defence capacity, nationally and through cooperation, to tacle the Russian threat. Four key aspects of Russian behaviour that is considered threatening were identified. Russia is viewed as a country with power ambitions and expansionist tendencies; characterised as tactically unpredictable; looked upon as a risk calculating actor; and considered misstrusting in its views of the West. The perception of Russia is complex which creates difficulties regarding how the threat is to be met. Policy makers have urged the strengthening of Swedish national defence capacity to create a conflict threshold in the region. To further strengthen this threshold, the bilateral defence cooperation with Finland has deepened. In addition, the question of military non-alignment has been raised in relation to a possible Swedish membership in Nato. The answer to whether or not Sweden should join depends on political affiliation. This underlines the theoretical assumptions; security and defence policy is not merely a response to an external circumstance, but rather the result of an interplay between circumstance and actor.

No Brasil, o gradualismo presente no processo de transição democrática implicou em um legado autoritário nas instituições políticas, explícito atualmente na insuficiente delimitação entre segurança interna e externa, além do baixo controle sobre as atividades de segurança de modo geral. Mais especificamente, a tardia criação do Ministério da Defesa demonstra a dificuldade de exercer o controle civil sobre os militares no país. Entretanto, a administração de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) representa um avanço em relação aos ministros anteriores ao exercer uma direção política civil com autoridade, que efetivamente contribuiu para melhorar o controle civil democrático. A Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008), a Lei Complementar nº 136 (2010) e o Livro Branco (2012) são documentos que sinalizam profundas alterações institucionais no Ministério. O objetivo do artigo é compreender o impacto dessas mudanças sobre as relações entre civis e militares, a partir do conceito de controle civil democrático, bem como contextualizar politicamente as razões para que tenham acontecido. No rastro da crise da aviação civil, constata-se que houve uma mudança na balança de poder interna ao Estado, que permitiu consolidar a autoridade civil no Ministério da Defesa, a partir da nomeação do Ministro Jobim, em 2007. A partir de um estudo de caso, conclui-se que uma combinação de fatores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional e apoio do Executivo) contribuiu para que essas alterações estruturais fossem levadas a cabo no órgão, as quais efetivamente criaram uma estrutura civil no Ministério. / In Brazil, the gradual democratic transition process has generated political institutions with authoritarian characteristics, such as a blurred distinction between internal and external security, as well as a low control under security activities in general. More specifically, the late creation of a Ministry of Defence shows how difficult is to control the military in this country. However, Nelson Jobim’s administration (2007-2011) is an advance comparing to the previous ones, having exerted an effective political authority that has improved democratic civilian control. The National Strategic Defence (2008), the Complimentary Law nº 136 (2010) and the White Book (2012) have contributed for important changes in the Ministry. The objective is to understand the impact of these changes on civil-military relations, based on the concept of democratic civilian control, as well as to identify the reasons behind them. After the civilian aviation crisis, there was a change in the internal State’s balance of power, which helped to consolidated the civilian authority in the Ministry of Defence after Nelson Jobim’s nomination in 2007. In conclusion, a number of factors (personal characteristics, national and international conjunctures and the Executive support) made possible these strucutural changes to happen, which effectivelly created a civilian strucuture in the Ministry. / En Brasil, el gradualismo del proceso de transición democrática generó características autoritárias en las instituciones políticas, las cuales están presentes hoy en día en la insuficiente diferenciación entre la seguridad interna y la seguridad exterior, así como en el bajo control de las actividades de seguridad en general. Es decir, la tardía creación del Ministerio de la Defensa demuenstra las dificultades de ejercer el control civil de los militares en el país. Sin embargo, la administración de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) es um avanzo en comparación con los ministerios anteriores, pues él ejerció una dirección política civil con autoridad que contribuyó de manera efectiva para mejorar el control civil democrático. La Estratégia Nacional de Defensa (2008), la Ley Complementar nº 136 (2010) y el Libro Blanco (2012) son documentos que contribuyeron para las alteraciones institucionales en el Ministerio. El objetivo del artículo es entender el impacto de esos cambios en las relaciones civiles militares, basado en el concepto de control civil democrático, así como contextualizar sus razones políticas. Después de la crisis de la aviación civil, un cambio se pasó en la balanza de poder interna del Estado, que permitió la consolidación de la autoridad civil en el Ministerio con la nominación de Nelson Jobim en 2007. A través de un estudo de caso, la conclusión es que una combinación de factores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional y apoyo del Ejecutivo) contribuyeron para que essas alteraciones estructurales ocurriera, las cuales efectivamente crearon una estrutura civil en el Ministério.

Business-to-business relationships within sustained monopolies, such as those within Defence Procurement, have received limited attention by Management Researchers. This is unusual because under these market circumstances typically there appear to be few incentives to achieve mutually beneficial outcomes despite their strategic policy importance. The purpose of this thesis is therefore, to determine the influential relationship factors between the UK Ministry of Defence and its Industrial partners within a predominantly monopolistic Defence Procurement business. The approach adopted for this research project is exploratory and inter-subject area. It uses quantitative and supportive qualitative data to examine the problem through an economic model using Supply Chain Management, Relationship Marketing and Transaction Cost Economics. A self-selected census of 54 business relationships is carried out from both the buyer and supplier perspectives through staff questionnaires and team leader semi-structured interviews. The findings from this research show, contrary to the expectation of the theoretical model, a positive relationship success situation with a spectrum of both positive and negative behavioural factors present. However, a significant adversarial influence is a suite of issues that are endemic to the business in question such as old products, obsolescence, staff and organisational upheavals, poor end-customer visibility and lack of investment in modern procedures and systems. Within the monopoly environment these accentuate managers’ frustrations due to lack of freedom of action. The primary contribution of this research is therefore, an increased understanding of the business-to-business relationship dynamics within long-term, closely coupled, collaborative, business-to-business arrangements as exemplified by UK Defence and the results are likely to be of interest to both academics and managers.

This paper examines the relationship between Europeanisation and the recent changes of the Norwegian and Swedish security identities. Since the mid-1990s, these two countries have gone different ways, the former as an active non-member with no decision-making powers and the latter as an active participant in the development of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). Concerning Norway and Sweden’s security identity, both have changed exceedingly over the years. Norway, which has valued the US and the transatlantic partnership through NATO, namely being an ‘Atlanticist’, seeks a deeper connection to the EU as a security actor over the last fifteen years, despite the authorities emphasizing that NATO remains the cornerstone for Norwegian security policy. Sweden, which maintained strongly neutral and non-aligned throughout the 20th century, was initially sceptic to partaking in the security and defence dimension of the Union. Nonetheless, Sweden, as a member, managed to change its perception of EU’s security policy through highlighting crisis management and turned out to become one of EU’s most active contributors in shaping the ESDP. This paper concludes that Norway and Sweden have seen similar outcomes concerning Europeanisation, despite holding different positions in relation to the EU. Norway has not been able to hold an influential role respecting its European integration process, even though the authorities seek to gain as much input as possible into the ESDP through associate membership. Sweden, in contrast, entered the Union with an initial negative attitude concerning the security and defence policy but has changed its perception and chosen to play an active part in the policy making process through influencing and deepening its cooperation.

No Brasil, o gradualismo presente no processo de transição democrática implicou em um legado autoritário nas instituições políticas, explícito atualmente na insuficiente delimitação entre segurança interna e externa, além do baixo controle sobre as atividades de segurança de modo geral. Mais especificamente, a tardia criação do Ministério da Defesa demonstra a dificuldade de exercer o controle civil sobre os militares no país. Entretanto, a administração de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) representa um avanço em relação aos ministros anteriores ao exercer uma direção política civil com autoridade, que efetivamente contribuiu para melhorar o controle civil democrático. A Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008), a Lei Complementar nº 136 (2010) e o Livro Branco (2012) são documentos que sinalizam profundas alterações institucionais no Ministério. O objetivo do artigo é compreender o impacto dessas mudanças sobre as relações entre civis e militares, a partir do conceito de controle civil democrático, bem como contextualizar politicamente as razões para que tenham acontecido. No rastro da crise da aviação civil, constata-se que houve uma mudança na balança de poder interna ao Estado, que permitiu consolidar a autoridade civil no Ministério da Defesa, a partir da nomeação do Ministro Jobim, em 2007. A partir de um estudo de caso, conclui-se que uma combinação de fatores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional e apoio do Executivo) contribuiu para que essas alterações estruturais fossem levadas a cabo no órgão, as quais efetivamente criaram uma estrutura civil no Ministério. / In Brazil, the gradual democratic transition process has generated political institutions with authoritarian characteristics, such as a blurred distinction between internal and external security, as well as a low control under security activities in general. More specifically, the late creation of a Ministry of Defence shows how difficult is to control the military in this country. However, Nelson Jobim’s administration (2007-2011) is an advance comparing to the previous ones, having exerted an effective political authority that has improved democratic civilian control. The National Strategic Defence (2008), the Complimentary Law nº 136 (2010) and the White Book (2012) have contributed for important changes in the Ministry. The objective is to understand the impact of these changes on civil-military relations, based on the concept of democratic civilian control, as well as to identify the reasons behind them. After the civilian aviation crisis, there was a change in the internal State’s balance of power, which helped to consolidated the civilian authority in the Ministry of Defence after Nelson Jobim’s nomination in 2007. In conclusion, a number of factors (personal characteristics, national and international conjunctures and the Executive support) made possible these strucutural changes to happen, which effectivelly created a civilian strucuture in the Ministry. / En Brasil, el gradualismo del proceso de transición democrática generó características autoritárias en las instituciones políticas, las cuales están presentes hoy en día en la insuficiente diferenciación entre la seguridad interna y la seguridad exterior, así como en el bajo control de las actividades de seguridad en general. Es decir, la tardía creación del Ministerio de la Defensa demuenstra las dificultades de ejercer el control civil de los militares en el país. Sin embargo, la administración de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) es um avanzo en comparación con los ministerios anteriores, pues él ejerció una dirección política civil con autoridad que contribuyó de manera efectiva para mejorar el control civil democrático. La Estratégia Nacional de Defensa (2008), la Ley Complementar nº 136 (2010) y el Libro Blanco (2012) son documentos que contribuyeron para las alteraciones institucionales en el Ministerio. El objetivo del artículo es entender el impacto de esos cambios en las relaciones civiles militares, basado en el concepto de control civil democrático, así como contextualizar sus razones políticas. Después de la crisis de la aviación civil, un cambio se pasó en la balanza de poder interna del Estado, que permitió la consolidación de la autoridad civil en el Ministerio con la nominación de Nelson Jobim en 2007. A través de un estudo de caso, la conclusión es que una combinación de factores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional y apoyo del Ejecutivo) contribuyeron para que essas alteraciones estructurales ocurriera, las cuales efectivamente crearon una estrutura civil en el Ministério.

A tese é constituída por ensaios e reflexões amadurecidas ao longo de toda uma trajetória profissional que trouxe para o Brasil os Estudos e Pesquisas da Paz (EPPAZ). O trabalho possui três partes: 1) Segurança Internacional. 2) Inserção Internacional do Brasil. 3) Política externa brasileira nas áreas de paz e segurança. Além da metodologia crítica dos Estudos da Paz, desenvolvida pelo autor em duas instituições norueguesas (o Peace Research Institute of Oslo e o Norwegian Nobel Institute), a tese foi influenciada por três pensadores principais: C. Wright Mills, Isaiah Berlin e Guerreiro Ramos. A tese inclui ainda contribuições empíricas originais sobre a Amazônia e o SIVAM, a confiança mútua na área nuclear com a Argentina e o papel do Brasil nas Missões de Paz das Nações Unidas, especialmente no Haiti. Conclui-se pela validade heurística e normativa do conceito de custódia de segurança. / This dissertation consists of grown essays and reflections alongside an entire professional trajectory that brings to Brazil the Studies and Researches of Peace (EPPAZ). The work is divided in three parts: 1) International Security. 2) Brazil‟s International Insertion. 3) Brazil‟s foreign policy in areas of peace and security. Besides the critical methodology of the Peace Studies, developed by the author in two norwegians institutions (the Peace Research Institute of Oslo and the Norwegian Nobel Institute), the dissertation takes into consideration the ideias of three main philosophers: C. Wright Mills, Isaiah Berlin and Guerreiro Ramos. The dissertation also comprehend original empiric contributions about the Amazonia and the SIVAM, the mutual trust in nuclear area with Argentina and the function of Brazil in the Peacekeeping missions and operations involving the United Nations, especially in Haiti. It concludes by the heuristic and normative legitimacy about the concept of custody of security.

Doctrines are by nature dogmatic and academic education is by nature skeptic. As the two perspectivesare opposites to each other it would be plausible to assume that the nature of their contradictionwould exist between doctrines and military academic education. Though no research has been madeon how or to what extent these contradictions exist.This thesis aims therefore to investigate the relation between Swedish doctrines and military academiceducation from dogmatic and skeptical perspectives. Consequently, explaining to what extentthey correspond to one another and how they can be compared. The result reveals that Swedish doctrines generally correspond to military academic education to alow degree, where deviations may range from very low to moderate. The analysis further displaysstrong multifaceted dissonance in their correspondence to one another, but also within Swedish doctrinesand military academic education separately.

The world is increasingly coalescing, ecologically, economically and culturally. Many problems can no longer be solved within the own state borders and the limitation of the territorial state is obvious. Jürgen Habermas means that a world domestic politic without a world government is what this progress need. Therefore it is important that national interests become less central and the solidarity between people is given priority in international relations. The focus of this thesis is therefore a critical discourse analysis of the current position of the internationalisation of Swedish security and defence policy. The discourse analysis shows that the morality and solidarity is described as important issues for the increasing Swedish international military engagement. One conclusion of the discourse is that the peace no longer is something that Sweden retains on it’s own. Instead the peace is secured in co-operation with other states. Hence, in the presence of thefuture, it’s interesting to consider Immanuel Kants thought, zum ewigen Frieden.

A tese é constituída por ensaios e reflexões amadurecidas ao longo de toda uma trajetória profissional que trouxe para o Brasil os Estudos e Pesquisas da Paz (EPPAZ). O trabalho possui três partes: 1) Segurança Internacional. 2) Inserção Internacional do Brasil. 3) Política externa brasileira nas áreas de paz e segurança. Além da metodologia crítica dos Estudos da Paz, desenvolvida pelo autor em duas instituições norueguesas (o Peace Research Institute of Oslo e o Norwegian Nobel Institute), a tese foi influenciada por três pensadores principais: C. Wright Mills, Isaiah Berlin e Guerreiro Ramos. A tese inclui ainda contribuições empíricas originais sobre a Amazônia e o SIVAM, a confiança mútua na área nuclear com a Argentina e o papel do Brasil nas Missões de Paz das Nações Unidas, especialmente no Haiti. Conclui-se pela validade heurística e normativa do conceito de custódia de segurança. / This dissertation consists of grown essays and reflections alongside an entire professional trajectory that brings to Brazil the Studies and Researches of Peace (EPPAZ). The work is divided in three parts: 1) International Security. 2) Brazil‟s International Insertion. 3) Brazil‟s foreign policy in areas of peace and security. Besides the critical methodology of the Peace Studies, developed by the author in two norwegians institutions (the Peace Research Institute of Oslo and the Norwegian Nobel Institute), the dissertation takes into consideration the ideias of three main philosophers: C. Wright Mills, Isaiah Berlin and Guerreiro Ramos. The dissertation also comprehend original empiric contributions about the Amazonia and the SIVAM, the mutual trust in nuclear area with Argentina and the function of Brazil in the Peacekeeping missions and operations involving the United Nations, especially in Haiti. It concludes by the heuristic and normative legitimacy about the concept of custody of security.

No Brasil, o gradualismo presente no processo de transição democrática implicou em um legado autoritário nas instituições políticas, explícito atualmente na insuficiente delimitação entre segurança interna e externa, além do baixo controle sobre as atividades de segurança de modo geral. Mais especificamente, a tardia criação do Ministério da Defesa demonstra a dificuldade de exercer o controle civil sobre os militares no país. Entretanto, a administração de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) representa um avanço em relação aos ministros anteriores ao exercer uma direção política civil com autoridade, que efetivamente contribuiu para melhorar o controle civil democrático. A Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008), a Lei Complementar nº 136 (2010) e o Livro Branco (2012) são documentos que sinalizam profundas alterações institucionais no Ministério. O objetivo do artigo é compreender o impacto dessas mudanças sobre as relações entre civis e militares, a partir do conceito de controle civil democrático, bem como contextualizar politicamente as razões para que tenham acontecido. No rastro da crise da aviação civil, constata-se que houve uma mudança na balança de poder interna ao Estado, que permitiu consolidar a autoridade civil no Ministério da Defesa, a partir da nomeação do Ministro Jobim, em 2007. A partir de um estudo de caso, conclui-se que uma combinação de fatores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional e apoio do Executivo) contribuiu para que essas alterações estruturais fossem levadas a cabo no órgão, as quais efetivamente criaram uma estrutura civil no Ministério. / In Brazil, the gradual democratic transition process has generated political institutions with authoritarian characteristics, such as a blurred distinction between internal and external security, as well as a low control under security activities in general. More specifically, the late creation of a Ministry of Defence shows how difficult is to control the military in this country. However, Nelson Jobim’s administration (2007-2011) is an advance comparing to the previous ones, having exerted an effective political authority that has improved democratic civilian control. The National Strategic Defence (2008), the Complimentary Law nº 136 (2010) and the White Book (2012) have contributed for important changes in the Ministry. The objective is to understand the impact of these changes on civil-military relations, based on the concept of democratic civilian control, as well as to identify the reasons behind them. After the civilian aviation crisis, there was a change in the internal State’s balance of power, which helped to consolidated the civilian authority in the Ministry of Defence after Nelson Jobim’s nomination in 2007. In conclusion, a number of factors (personal characteristics, national and international conjunctures and the Executive support) made possible these strucutural changes to happen, which effectivelly created a civilian strucuture in the Ministry. / En Brasil, el gradualismo del proceso de transición democrática generó características autoritárias en las instituciones políticas, las cuales están presentes hoy en día en la insuficiente diferenciación entre la seguridad interna y la seguridad exterior, así como en el bajo control de las actividades de seguridad en general. Es decir, la tardía creación del Ministerio de la Defensa demuenstra las dificultades de ejercer el control civil de los militares en el país. Sin embargo, la administración de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) es um avanzo en comparación con los ministerios anteriores, pues él ejerció una dirección política civil con autoridad que contribuyó de manera efectiva para mejorar el control civil democrático. La Estratégia Nacional de Defensa (2008), la Ley Complementar nº 136 (2010) y el Libro Blanco (2012) son documentos que contribuyeron para las alteraciones institucionales en el Ministerio. El objetivo del artículo es entender el impacto de esos cambios en las relaciones civiles militares, basado en el concepto de control civil democrático, así como contextualizar sus razones políticas. Después de la crisis de la aviación civil, un cambio se pasó en la balanza de poder interna del Estado, que permitió la consolidación de la autoridad civil en el Ministerio con la nominación de Nelson Jobim en 2007. A través de un estudo de caso, la conclusión es que una combinación de factores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional y apoyo del Ejecutivo) contribuyeron para que essas alteraciones estructurales ocurriera, las cuales efectivamente crearon una estrutura civil en el Ministério.