Concerns about the feasibility of the Internet as an appropriate venue for deliberation have emerged based on the adverse effects of depersonalization, anonymity, and lack of accountability on the part of online discussants. As in face-to-face communication, participants in online conversations are best situated to determine for themselves what type of communication is appropriate. Earlier research on Usenet groups was not optimistic, but community-administered moderation may provide a valuable tool for online political discussion groups who wish to support and enforce deliberative communication among a diverse or disagreeing membership. This research examines individual comments and their rating and moderation within a week-long "Pie Fight" discussion about community ownership and values in the Daily Kos political blog. Specific components of deliberation were identified and a content analysis was conducted for each. Salient issues included community reputation, agreement and disagreement, meta-communication, and appropriate expression of emotion, humor, and profanity. Data subsets were analyzed in conjunction with the comment ratings given by community members to determine what types of interaction received the most attention, and how the community used the comment ratings system to promote or demote specific comment types. The use of middle versus high or low ratings, the value of varied ratings format, and the use of moderation as a low-impact means of expressing dissent were also explored. The Daily Kos community members effectively used both comments and ratings to mediate conflict, assert their desired kind of community, demonstrate a deliberative self-concept, and support specific conditions of deliberation. The moderation system was used to sanction uncivil or unproductive communication, as intended, and was also shown to facilitate deliberation of disagreement rather than creating an echo chamber of opinion.

Inspired by the barriers to social integration between aboriginals and non-indigenous people in Taiwan, as well as the limitations of representation and participation in national politics, and extending to turn deeply to aboriginal identity recognition and related movements, this dissertation adopts liberalism as grand background and takes scholarly scientific theory constructivism to illustrate the meanings and applicability of discourse analysis method in order to investigate textual materials notably official documents including the Constitution and Acts, press releases as well as academic articles about how those materials describe indigenous peoples. Additionally, through the deployment of practical theories such as (post) colonialism, multiculturalism, representative democracy and deliberative democracy to interpret social and political facts in Taiwan. The author has found that the description of indigenous people in Taiwanese statute through the change from inequitable titles to relatively respectful takes into account the acceptability of aboriginals. The integration of indigenous Taiwanese in society is still persisting and causes troubles for the routine life of aboriginals. Furthermore, it has been observed that the recognition of aboriginal identity hinders the willingness and possibility of indigenous peoples to participate in national politics. Meanwhile, the national global status impact on indigenous peoples has been evident.

Most researchers and democracy theorists who define what democracy is or should be, agree that civic participation is the core of a democracy. Without citizen participation, there would be no democracy. The broad participation in political processes symbolizes the idea of political equality. A high level of political participation among citizens is usually seen as a sign that democracy is functioning satisfactorily. Unfortunately, today's political reality, on the other hand, shows that actual democracy does not reflect the democratic ideal models. The economic and social gaps in society largely explain how participatory activity is distributed among the citizens. The purpose of this master's thesis, which is a case study, has been to study the political equality in the e-proposal process within Linköping municipality. This means that the socio- economic representativeness among the proposers has been studied between the years 2016 and 2021. Furthermore, the geographical spread of the proposals has been studied between the years 2016 and 2018, together with the political priority areas of the proposers.  A web survey was conducted to gather information on the proposers’ socio-economic conditions. In total, the survey was answered by 207 respondents. This survey has contributed to either verifying or falsifying the research hypothesis. The hypothesis states that it is mainly socio-economically resourceful individuals who submit Linköping proposals. In summary, the study shows that it has been particularly resourceful individuals who have submitted Linköping proposals. Furthermore, the proposals are intended to be implemented in areas where the socio- economic standard is relatively high. The study has also shown that the proponents to a large extent (80.9 percent) have requested initiatives that relate to urban planning issues and culture and leisure. Finally, the results of the study illustrate that the approvals mainly refer to socio- economically strong areas. In conclusion, the empirical results of the study have contributed to the hypothesis being verifiable, as it has mainly been socio-economically resourceful individuals who have submitted Linköping proposals.

Abstract (version française suit)<p>Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.<p>In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.<p>From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.<p>The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.<p>DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.<p><p><p><p><p><p><p>Résumé<p>Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.<p>La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.<p>En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.<p>Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.<p>Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.<p>DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne. <p> / Doctorat en Langues et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (PhD (Education Policy Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Dissertation presented for the degree Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) at Stellenbosch University. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this critical-hermeneutical inquiry into schools as learning organisations I use the service provision model of the Western Cape Education Department (WCED) as an exemplification of the concept of a learning organisation. In this inquiry, which is conceptual in nature, I explore whether their service provision model is sufficient to turn schools into learning organisations. With the establishment of Education Management and Development Centres (EMDCs) in the Western Cape, the WCED expressed its intention to develop schools in the Western Cape into learning organisations. I do a literature review to develop a conceptual framework of a learning organisation. From the literature review I constructed five constitutive meanings of a learning organisation. These meanings serve as conceptual lenses to explore how schools can be developed into learning organisations. Furthermore, I analyse some of the WCED service provision policies against the five constitutive meanings. These constitutive meanings include quality, inclusivity, collaborative teamwork, communication and power, which determine if the WCED policies are consistent with its objective to develop schools into learning organisations. Through my analysis I found that the WCED‟s policies are not compatible with all constitutive meanings. This led me to conclude that the WCED‟s understanding of a learning organisation is fundamentally and conceptually flawed as the WCED‟s service provision model operates within a controlled and regulated environment at the expense of internal school development. Interviews and the interpretation of data further reveal that the WCED‟s service provision model is not adequate to develop schools into learning organisations. This flawed understanding may have resulted partly in the WCED‟s adoption of a single, unitary managerialist approach to their service provision model because of the strong emphasis on compliance rather than cooperation that should exist between schools and the WCED. Based on the constitutive meanings I constructed for a learning organisation, I conclude that a managerialist approach serves the WCED‟s interest more than it serves the interest of teachers and classroom practice. The main argument of this study is that a communicative deliberative idea of democracy could reconceptualise the WCED‟s inadequate understanding of a learning organisation. A key aspect of developing schools into learning organisations may begin with instituting better lines of communication which should include elements like reflexive discussion, communicative freedom, consensus and decision-making processes. These elements form the basis of what constitutes a learning organisation. This reconceptualised notion of a learning organisation can best be done through deliberative democracy with its emphasis on public argumentation with equal opportunity with the aim of arriving at an agreed judgement. This study suggests that the WCED adopts a communicative deliberative idea of democracy as a notion of communication which is a more ideal vehicle that could assist in developing schools into learning organisations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie kritiese verklarende ondersoek rondom skole as leerorganisasies gebruik ek die Wes-Kaapse Onderwys Departement se diensleweringsmodel as ʼn voorbeeld van die konsep van ʼn leerorganisasie. Hierdie ondersoek is konsepsioneel in wese en bepaal of die WKOD se diensleweringmodel voldoende is om skole in leerorganisasies te ontwikkel. Met die daarstelling van Onderwys en Bestuur Ontwikkellings Sentrums (OBOSSE) in die Wes-Kaap het die WKOD sy voorneme om skole in die Wes-Kaap in leerorganisaies te ontwikkel uitgedruk. Derhalwe doen ek ʼn literêre oorsig om ʼn konseptuele raamwerk van ʼn leerorganisasie te ontwikkel. Vanuit hierdie literêre oorsig het ek vyf kontitutiewe betekenisse naamlik (kwaliteit, inklusiwiteit, samehorige spanwerk, kommunikasie en mag) geїdentifiseer wat ʼn leerorganisasie saamstel. Hierdie konstitutiewe betekenisse dien as waarneembare lense om vas te stel in hoe ʼn mate skole in leerorganisasies kan ontwikkel, en of die WKOD se diensleweringmodel strook met sy oogmerk om skole in leerorganisasies te ontwikkel. Ek analiseer vervolgens sekere WKOD diensleweringbeleide teen die konstitutiewe betekenisse om die relevansie om skole in leerorganisasies te ontwikkel vas te stel. Deur hierdie analise het ek ontdek dat nie alle beleide ten volle aan die vereistes van die konstitutiewe betekenisse voldoen nie. Derhalwe kom ek dus tot die gevolgtrekking dat die WKOD se siening van ʼn leerorganisasie fundementeel en konseptueel foutief is omdat die WKOD se diensleweringmodel werk binne die raamwerk van ʼn beheerde en gekontroleerde omgewing tot die nadeel van die interne ontwikkeling van skole. Die onderhoude se interpretasie in verhouding met die vyf konstutiewe betekenisse en beleidsdokument het verdere inligting aangaande die hoofnavorsingsvraag of die WKOD se dienslewering model genoegsaam is om skole in leerorganisasies te ontwikkel verskaf. Ek argumenteer dat hierdie skewe siening (beeld) mag gedeeltelik daartoe bygedra het tot die WKOD se enkel eensydige bestuurstyl tot hul diensleweringmodel as gevolg van die sterk klem op onderdanigheid eerder as samewerking wat ʼn ideale spangees tussen skole en die WKOD teweeg kan bring. Op grond van die konstitutiewe betekenisse wat ek geformuleer het, doen ek aan die hand dat die WKOD se diensleweringmodel hulself bevoordeel, eerder as die belange van onderwysers en klaskamer praktyk. Derhalwe doen ek ʼn paar aanbevelings aan die hand om hierdie leemtes aan te vul en voorsien riglyne om skole in leerorganisasies te ontwikkel. Die hoofargument van hierdie ondersoek is dat beraadslagende demokrasie die WKOD se siening van „n leerorganisasie aansienlik kan verbeter. „n Sleutel aspek van die ontwikkeling van skole in leer organisasies mag begin by die instelling van beter vorme van kommunikasie wat elemente soos reflektiewe besprekings, kommunikatiewe vryheid, konsensus and besluitneming insluit. Hierdie elemente vorm die basis van wat ʼn leer organisasie behels. Dit kan derhalwe die beste gedoen word deur beraadslagende demokrasie met sy klem op publieke argumentering met gelyke geleenthede en die klem op die daarstelling van ooreenstemmende oordeel. Hierdie studie suggereer that die WKOD die idée van beraadslagende demokrasie as ʼn beginsel van kommunikasie moet aanneem wat die mees ideale vorm van demokrasie is wat hulle kan ondersteun om skole in leer organisasies te ontwikkel.

The thesis explores the potential of African higher education institutions in assisting the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) in its quest to affectively achieve its goals. My contention is that higher education institutions need to be favourably positioned in terms of institutional autonomy and academic freedom to assist the achievement of the NEPAD goals. Moreover, there is a need for deliberative democracy, if the NEPAD goals are to be achieved affectively, especially from the perspective of higher education institutions.

Emerging river policy has launched small dam removal as a viable option to meet the ecological and social demands for river restoration. As small dam removals gain precedence as a policy tool in river restoration projects there exists a glaring gap in the social considerations, in particular how small dam removals may affect existing community conditions. In order to determine the community impacts that may result, a case study of the Brownsville Dam Removal, in Brownsville Oregon was investigated to address two questions: 1) how has the Brownsville Dam removal affected the social and economic conditions of the community and 2) what indicators can be used to characterize and monitor the impacts. Twenty-nine semi-structured interviews were conducted with four community affiliations: 1) Canal Company members; 2) Calapooia Watershed Council members; 3) City Officials; and 4) community residents. A participatory social impact assessment (SIA) approach was used to validate existing and/or emergent impacts and indicators. The semi-structured interviews assisted in the development of a matrix of impacts and indicators specific to small dam removal. The local impacts and indicators were operationalized and measured. Findings suggest that the social and economic impacts when distributed across the community are minimal in this case of small dam removal. Because local data availability is limited, it was determined that the traditional social impact assessment framework can be vastly improved through the engagement of the community. This research further suggests that when collaboration is extended beyond a unidirectional flow of information (which is often the case in a traditional SIA), issues and concerns are open to deliberation in a non-threatening arena. The Calapooia Watershed Council served as the forum through which the residents of Brownsville were able to enhance their participation in decision making. This also contributed to a learning process that in the end furthered the community's understanding of the dynamic physical changes to the Calapooia River as well as their capacity to solve complex decisions. The case also demonstrated that collective learning is a reflective process of adjustment to the changing circumstances in which the community came to perceive, interpret, and act upon their interest. With a growing number of collaborative partnerships of watershed based management, distinguishable by their decentralized, participatory engagement of stakeholders, it may be likely that these place-based mechanisms will become the nexus to the successful coordination of small dam removal deliberation in the future. / Graduation date: 2010

羅爾斯於一九九三年發表《政治自由主義》，試圖為多元社會的整合提供一套哲學基礎。羅爾斯認為價值的差異與分歧是當代社會的重要特徵，多元的宗教觀、哲學觀、道德觀、人生觀是一個既存的事實，然而合理的公民能夠形成「交疊共識」，支持一套政治性正義觀，作為規範社會基本結構的基礎。尤其在面對憲政核心爭議與基本正義問題時，合理的公民能夠擱置具爭議性的整全性學說，遵循公共理性的理念，根據同一套政治性正義觀所提供的政治價值與正義原則來解決爭議、凝聚共識、證成決策。不過，羅爾斯的公共理性論受到許多批評，其至少面臨「公共理性無法證成政治共識」、「公共理性不公平地排除整全性學說」、「公共理性是多種而非一種」、「公共理性將淪為膚淺的大眾理性」四種挑戰，此四種挑戰分別是對於公共理性之「完備性」、「公平性」、「單一性」、「公共性」的質疑。針對這些挑戰，羅爾斯對其理論進行了三項主要修正：第一，以「寬觀點公共理性」與「包含式公共理性」補充「排除式公共理性」。第二，公共理性的內容是由一整套「自由主義政治性正義觀之族系」所給定，「正義即公平」也只是諸多合理的政治性正義觀之一。第三，羅爾斯承認公共理性的侷限，然而在必要時，得以「基於公共理性的投票」做出決策。根據這些修正，筆者認為羅爾斯的公共理性論能夠回應「完備性」、「公平性」、「單一性」三方面的挑戰，但是仍無法完全解決「完備性」的問題。因此在本文中，筆者試圖以「寬觀點公共理性」與「廣泛的反思均衡」證成「羅爾斯式的審議理論」，以突破公共理性的限制。尤其是筆者認為，「羅爾斯式審議理論」具有「公共證成的審議模式」、「尊重民主文化」、「兼顧程序正義與實質正義」、「滿足『真誠要求』」、「強化公民意識」、「重視公共理由」等特質，體現了一種自由主義式的審議式民主理論。因此，當我們思索「多元社會的政治共識如何可能？」時，「羅爾斯式審議理論」是一項較合理的方案。 / This dissertation intends to explore John Rawls’s idea of public reason. Public reason is the core conception of Rawls’s political liberalism. Its subject is the public good concerning questions of fundamental political justice. Rawls argues that, though value diversity is the fact of a modern democratic society, reasonable citizens will follow a political conception of justice endorsed by the overlapping consensus between different kinds of comprehensive doctrines in order to resolve the deep conflicts. Especially, when the problems about constitutional essentials and basic justice occur, reasonable citizens will abide by the idea of public reason to deal with the problems. The idea of public reason is helpful for us to justify political consensus in a pluralistic society. However, some philosophers challenge the idea of public reason. They criticize that the idea of public reason cannot deal with the hard issues such as abortion, euthanasia, and affirmative action. Faced with these criticisms, Rawls revises his theory in three aspects. First, he revises the exclusive view of public reason by the inclusive view of public reason and the wide view of public reason. Secondly, he argues that the content of public reason is given by a family of reasonable political conceptions of justice. Thirdly, he asserts that we can make a political decision by voting in accordance with the idea of public reason if it is necessary. But, these revisions seems cannot completely overcome the shortcoming of the theory of public reason. Therefore, I want to justify Rawlsian deliberative theory based on the wide view of public reason and the wide reflective equilibrium to overcome the shortcoming of the idea of public reason. Owing to Rawlsian deliberative theory can reconcile liberalism and deliberative democracy, strengthen our civic friendship, and urge us to value public reasons more, I think it is a more plausible theory to justify political consensus in a modern pluralistic society.

The present study has a threefold aim: First, the theoretical aim is to give a contribution to refinement of the theory of dialogue based feminist ethics, concerning the understanding of judgment and narration within such an ethics.  The study also has an empirical aim, defined as to clarify what kind of knowledge, relevant to the moral judgment of an engaged outsider actor, can be received from dialogical interpretation and analysis of a limited selection of critically reflecting life stories. Third, a methodological aim is defined as to develop an approach to interpretation and analysis of reflecting life stories, which renders the storyteller visible as a reflecting moral subject, and makes the story accessible as a source of knowledge for the moral judgment of an engaged outsider actor. The thesis combines philosophical reflection and argumentation, with a narrative-hermeneutic method for interpretation of life stories, relating the two to each other in a hermeneutic process.  The theoretical reflection draws on Seyla Benhabibs theory of communicative ethics. A dialogue based model for moral justification and a likewise dialogue based model for political legitimacy are at the heart of this universalistic theory, although in combination with a conception of a narratively and hermeneutically constituted context sensitive moral judgment, based on Hannah Arendt’s concept “enlarged thought”. In the reflection, this model is related to other feminist theorizing within the tradition of dialogue based feminist ethics, as found in the works of Iris M. Young, Georgia Warnke and Shari Stone-Mediatore. The empirical study draws on three critically reflecting life stories from Israeli-Palestinian women activists for a just peace. The methodology for interpretation and analysis that is worked out combines dialogical interpretation as presented in Arthur W. Frank’s socio-narratology with a method for structural analysis derived from Shari Stone-Mediatores theory of storytelling as an expression of political resistance struggle. The results show that some stories drawing on marginalized experiences have a potential­ to stimulate further public debate through their capacity to enable a stereoscopic seeing, elucidating a tension between ideologically structured discourse and non-linguistic experience; implying that narrative-hermeneutic competence should be considered crucial for public debate.

Copyright is conventionally justified as an incentive to produce and disseminate works of authorship. We can justify and theorise copyright more richly, not least because empirical evidence does not support the incentive narrative. Rather than focussing on quantitative matters such as the number of works incentivised and produced, we should consider copyright's qualitative influence on culture. A threshold objection to such an approach is the risk of cultural paternalism. This objection can be overcome. Rather than specifying paternalistic standards of merit for works, we can target the conditions under which their creation and consumption takes place. I argue, firstly, that we should adopt the following high-level principles: (i) that the conditions of creation and consumption of works should be conducive to democratic deliberation (democracy) and (ii) that they should facilitate the development of human capabilities (autonomy). Secondly, I propose that we pursue three mid-level objectives, which are helpful indicia of democracy and autonomy: - a fair and wide distribution of communicative and cultural power (inclusiveness); - diversity in the content and perspectives available to the public (diversity); and - conditions that permit authors and users of works to engage rigorously with the conventions of the media in which they operate (rigour). It is often said that copyright obstructs important qualitative objectives, like freedom of expression, and that we could better pursue these goals by weakening copyright and relying on non-proprietary alternatives. My approach produces a more optimistic, but also more complicated, view of copyright. While copyright's qualitative influence is not optimal, reductions in the strength and scope of copyright sometimes produces conditions and incentive structures that are worse for inclusiveness, diversity and rigour than stronger copyright. For example, both attention and wealth are highly concentrated in networked information economies driven by free sharing of content, and this is bad for diversity or inclusiveness. Online business models, based on surveillance of users' consumption of free works, are corrosive of autonomy and democracy. Merely removing copyright-based restrictions on the sharing of works is not a panacea for copyright's ills. A qualitative theory such as mine equips us to better understand and calibrate more richly the trade-offs involved in copyright policy decisions, and encourages us to treat copyright as part of a broader, qualitatively-oriented information and cultural policy.