This paper explores issues of civility in liberal democracy, and in particular, how civility and civic engagement must be regenerated in order to forward the democratic ideals of equal rights, citizen equality and collective self-government in a meaningful way. Liberal democracy presupposes a level of civility in order to uphold standards of individual liberty and freedom, however as a theory it fails to compel citizens to support levels of mutual respect. An etymological exploration of the term civility introduces the work of puritan theologian Roger Williams, whose early writings on individual liberty as well as the role of civility and civic engagement can inform popular conversations about civility in modern democracy. This leads to an analysis of Rawlsian liberalism, where Rawls seeks to construct a robust civil society by tying individual duty of civility to an idealization of citizenship. Final analysis explores the possibility of a modern civil liberalism, as influenced by Roger Williams. A liberal civil realm must recognize the mutual reliance between individual freedom and a collective common good; this will compel citizens to choose to preserve the freedom of all citizens through civil engagement and dialogue. This ideal shares important intersections with Jürgen Habermas’ theory of deliberative democracy, but Williams’ replaces Habermas’ notion of higher-level intersubjectivity with an appeal to individual freedom of conscience. By doing so, the preservation of individual freedom of conscience requires citizen-commitment to an active and engaged civil sphere, making the ideal of civility richer than that of Habermas’ theory. Replacing the duty of civility with a commitment to the preservation and protection of individual liberty through civil dialogue is the best way to rescue modern liberal democracy from its current state of incivility, which threatens the liberty and freedom of citizens and undermines the collective common good.

<p>Legislation on benefit sharing dates back to 1992 and the commandment of the UNConvention on Biological Diversity, hence implementation still has few cases to fall back on(CBD, 1992). The case study of the project ProBenefit presented by the thesis highlights howlack of deliberation can undermine a democratic process. The objective of the thesis is thatProBenefit’s attempt to implement the standards of the CBD on access and benefit sharingwill highlight not only problems met by this specific project, but difficulties that generallymeet democratic processes in contexts of high inequality. To define if the project ProBenefitsucceeded in carrying out a deliberative process the project will be analyzed by the criteria:access to information, representation, legitimacy and involvement.The population in the project area of ProBenefit had a long history of social marginalization,which made it hard for foreign projects to gain legitimacy. The lack of independentorganizations and the late establishment of the project, which resulted in time shortage, madeit impossible to prevent the distrust of the local population. The failure of the projectcoordinators to ensure active participation of all stakeholders resulted in a late and lowinvolvement of the local participants. The absence of independent organization also madedemocratic legitimacy of the process questionable. Even if ProBenefit had a vision ofdemocratic deliberation the project was unable to break down the prevailing unequal powerdistribution which resulted in an unsustainable process and failure. The conclusion of thethesis is that the attainment of deliberation foremost depends on how a project deals with theexisting distribution of power and how it succeeds in involving all stakeholders.</p>

The representative democracy has become weakened during the last decades. At the same time the United Nations declared at the Rio de Janeiro meeting in 1992 that environmental problems can best be solved by involvement of all concerned citizens in decision-making. The main purpose of this study has been to examine if citizens panels is a possible way to involve citizens in environmental decision-making and what the outcomes can be. Furthermore the study has investigated what the participation has contributed to environmental politics and how representative the results have been. This has been carried out by investigating the Piteåpanel in the municipality of Piteå by conducting interviews. The result of the study shows that the involvement of the citizens in the decision-making influenced the environmental politics of the municipality. The most striking result is that involving the citizens in the process of forming a climate and energy plan made the final plan more explicit and ambitious. However regarding the representativity the decisions can’t be considered fully representative from a political equality point of view. Despite this the decisions that have been made can be regarded as more legitimate because the citizens have been a part of the decision-making. The study argues in a careful way that increased participation in environmental decision-making in the form of citizens panels can be one of several approaches to both overcome the problems with the representative democracy and solve the environmental problems. / Den representativa demokratin har under de senaste årtiondena blivit försvagad. Detta samtidigt som FN vid Rio de Janeiro mötet 1992 deklarerade att miljöproblemen bäst kan lösas med att involvera alla berörda medborgare i beslutsfattandet. Syftet med denna undersökning har i huvudsak varit att se närmare på om medborgarpaneler kan vara ett sätt att involvera medborgarna i miljöfrågor och vilken effekt det kan få. Vidare har studien också undersökt vilken inverkan deltagandet fått på miljöpolitiken och hur representativt resultatet varit. Detta har skett genom att undersöka Piteåpanelen i Piteå kommun med genomförandet av intervjuer. Studiens resultat visar att involverandet av medborgarna i beslutsfattandet har påverkat kommunens miljöpolitik. Framförallt visar det sig att i arbetet med att ta fram en klimat och energiplan bidrog deltagandet till att den slutgiltiga planen blev mer tydlig och ambitiös. Gällande representativiteten visar det sig dock att resultaten ifrån panelen inte kan anses fullt representativa utifrån aspekten politisk jämlikhet. Trots detta har dock besluten som fattats fått en större legitimitet på grund av att medborgarna fått vara med i beslutsprocessen. Studien ställer sig försiktigt positiv till att ett ökat deltagande i miljöfrågor i form av medborgar-paneler kan vara ett av flera tillvägagångssätt i att både överbrygga problemen med den representativa demokratin samt lösa de miljöproblem som finns.

Genom våra två fallstudier har vi undersökt formuleringsarenans intentioner vad gäller elevinflytande i förhållande till hur dessa tar sig uttryck i praktiken. För att finna formuleringsarenans intentioner har vi använt oss av Skolkommitténs tre utgångspunkter om varför elever skall ges inflytande i skolan. Skolkommittén har på ett konkret och förståeligt sätt redogjort för tre motiveringar till elevinflytande vilka benämns som: ”Mänsklig rättighet”, ”Demokratifostran” och ”Elevers inflytande över sitt lärande”.   I vår text har vi eftersträvat att ringa in ämnesområdet och ge läsaren en tillräcklig bakgrund för vidare läsning. För att vidga vår förståelse för elevdemokrati idag ser vi det med andra ord som angeläget att mer översiktligt och kort redogöra för en historisk tillbakablick. Med vår undersökning som underlag hävdar vi att elevdemokrati sett ur elevperspektiv, observatörperspektiv och lärarperspektiv kan te sig mycket olika. Eleverna talar om sitt inflytande i förhållande till deras mänskliga rättigheter såsom när de ska sova, äta och om att få vara inomhus när det är kallt. Det framkommer även att praktiserandet av elevdemokrati i de båda undersökta klassrummen tycks vara avhängigt lärarens egen uppfattning om vad elevdemokrati är och vilka demokratiska förmågor som är viktiga att utveckla i klassrummet. Ytterligare en intressant iakttagelse vi har gjort i vår studie är att skolans sociokulturella upptagningsområde inverkar och påverkar skolans förutsättningar och behov att utöva elevdemokrati. Denna iakttagelse förefaller intressant och anses av oss författare som lämplig för vidare studier. Vår uppsats är begränsad av en tidsram och lämnar oss och förmodligen andra med frågor för vidare forskning. Vår förhoppning är att denna uppsats ger läsaren reflektioner och ett väckt intresse kring elevdemokrati och elevinflytande. / Trough our two case studies we have sought to explore how and if, the description of democracy in the Swedish curriculum is viable in the reality. To our benefit the Skolkommitténs three motivations for pupils’ democracy, named “human right”, “democratic upbringing” and “pupils’ influence over their own learning”, has been useful. In this text the reader will find an attempt to surround the subject and give enough background information for comprehension. By using the methods of conversations with pupils, classroom observations and teacher interviews at two different schools, including literature studies, we have been able to make the conclusion that the realisation of the curriculum is a long process of transformation and influence from various angles. We have found that the meaning of pupils’ democracy differs depending on whose perspective is being regarded. Pupils tend to focus their human rights. Such as when to eat, sleep or wanting to stay inside when it is cold outside. Teachers on the other hand seem to solely be the ones to decide what impact pupils’ democracy will have in the classroom, and what democratic abilities that are important for pupils to acquire. Amongst our results we find the sociocultural surroundings from where the pupils derive as distinguished from the others concerning the schools conditions for pupils’ democracy. This fact has also encouraged our interest and we will pass this on as a future matter of research. Our research has nevertheless been restricted by schedule and leaves us and probably others with questions for further research, however our hope is that this essay will give the reader enough thoughts to see the relevance in our research.

The aim of this thesis is to explore the institutional design of Participatory Budgeting (PB) in Sweden and how the design may contribute to realize central democratic goods. The study records the different PB experiences in Sweden and focuses on one particular case, which is the only case that successfully qualifies as a genuine PB-process according to international standards and definitions. To examine this, the following questions are asked: which municipalities in Sweden have implemented Participatory Budgeting? How can the institutional design of Participatory Budgeting be described and to what extent does it enable the realization of central democratic goods? To what extent does the institutional design enable the realization of the democratic goods inclusion, popular control, considered judgment and transparency? To what extent does the institutional design enable the realization of the institutional goods of efficiency and transferability? The study is based on an institutional theory of democracy. The method used is a mixed method ideal type analysis that combines document analysis, surveys and interviews. The results of the study indicates that the PB-institutions has multiple flaws regarding the way it enables the realization of numerous of the democratic goods analyzed. The institutional design does not pay enough attention to inclusion of different social groups including marginalized groups, popular control is restricted to issues of low political salience and the PB process does not live up to the transparency level expected from a democratic institution. On the other hand, the institutional design of the PB process does take into account some aspects of inclusion among the youth inhabitants and the process has been effective in the sense that it has delivered physical results quickly.

Legislation on benefit sharing dates back to 1992 and the commandment of the UNConvention on Biological Diversity, hence implementation still has few cases to fall back on(CBD, 1992). The case study of the project ProBenefit presented by the thesis highlights howlack of deliberation can undermine a democratic process. The objective of the thesis is thatProBenefit’s attempt to implement the standards of the CBD on access and benefit sharingwill highlight not only problems met by this specific project, but difficulties that generallymeet democratic processes in contexts of high inequality. To define if the project ProBenefitsucceeded in carrying out a deliberative process the project will be analyzed by the criteria:access to information, representation, legitimacy and involvement.The population in the project area of ProBenefit had a long history of social marginalization,which made it hard for foreign projects to gain legitimacy. The lack of independentorganizations and the late establishment of the project, which resulted in time shortage, madeit impossible to prevent the distrust of the local population. The failure of the projectcoordinators to ensure active participation of all stakeholders resulted in a late and lowinvolvement of the local participants. The absence of independent organization also madedemocratic legitimacy of the process questionable. Even if ProBenefit had a vision ofdemocratic deliberation the project was unable to break down the prevailing unequal powerdistribution which resulted in an unsustainable process and failure. The conclusion of thethesis is that the attainment of deliberation foremost depends on how a project deals with theexisting distribution of power and how it succeeds in involving all stakeholders.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:22:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Walderes - mestrado.pdf: 4317027 bytes, checksum: 019b5e74744ce619af429d689e715a3d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-23 / The communication between companies and communities can be a tool to the strengthening of citizenship and a way to prove the social responsibility of an economical organization. The possibilities and limits of this process are the theme of this study and the research refers to the relationship between Petrobras and the population of Jardim Nova Goiânia, a neighborhood in Senador Canedo, GO which stands between two pipelines. During the research, local residents and leaders of the community were elected to work as interlocutors and were interviewed about their memories and points of view concerning how the neighborhood was populated, the infrastructure and their perception about the interaction between the company and the local residents. The investigation showed evidence that there were processes of institution of active citizenship, such as social practices that were not meant to make the residents dependent on them and the respect to the right of these residents to information. Those social practices were present in the mobilization and organization of the local residents and Petrobras contributed to this process. On the other hand, the research indicated the lack of evidence of the company s contribution to the sustainable development of the community which is still fragile in relation to the ability of acting as an association what would make the community capable of demanding moral responsibility from public systemic structures. / A comunicação entre empresa e comunidade pode ser um instrumento de fortalecimento da cidadania da população e de comprovação da responsabilidade social de uma organização econômica. As possibilidades e limites deste processo é o tema deste estudo que toma como referência o relacionamento da Petrobras com a população do Jardim Nova Goiânia, um bairro do município de Senador Canedo, GO, margeado por dois oleodutos. Para a pesquisa, lideranças e moradores foram eleitos como interlocutores, sendo ouvidos através de entrevistas em profundidade e grupos focais, nos quais foram relatadas e debatidas memórias e pontos de vista sobre o processo de ocupação do bairro, a conquista de infra-estrutura e as percepções a respeito da interação entre a empresa e a população. A investigação apontou indícios de processos instituintes de cidadania presentes em mobilizações e organizações dos moradores e também contribuições da Petrobras para esse processo, manifestas em práticas sociais não assistencialistas e de reconhecimento por parte da empresa do direito dos moradores à informação. Por outro lado, a pesquisa apontou que faltam evidências da contribuição da empresa para o desenvolvimento sustentável da comunidade que, por sua vez, ainda é frágil quanto ao associativismo crítico que a capacitaria a exigir, das estruturas sistêmicas, condutas pautadas pela moralidade pública.

The present study has a threefold aim: First, the theoretical aim is to give a contribution to refinement of the theory of dialogue based feminist ethics, concerning the understanding of judgment and narration within such an ethics.  The study also has an empirical aim, defined as to clarify what kind of knowledge, relevant to the moral judgment of an engaged outsider actor, can be received from dialogical interpretation and analysis of a limited selection of critically reflecting life stories. Third, a methodological aim is defined as to develop an approach to interpretation and analysis of reflecting life stories, which renders the storyteller visible as a reflecting moral subject, and makes the story accessible as a source of knowledge for the moral judgment of an engaged outsider actor. The thesis combines philosophical reflection and argumentation, with a narrative-hermeneutic method for interpretation of life stories, relating the two to each other in a hermeneutic process.  The theoretical reflection draws on Seyla Benhabibs theory of communicative ethics. A dialogue based model for moral justification and a likewise dialogue based model for political legitimacy are at the heart of this universalistic theory, although in combination with a conception of a narratively and hermeneutically constituted context sensitive moral judgment, based on Hannah Arendt’s concept “enlarged thought”. In the reflection, this model is related to other feminist theorizing within the tradition of dialogue based feminist ethics, as found in the works of Iris M. Young, Georgia Warnke and Shari Stone-Mediatore. The empirical study draws on three critically reflecting life stories from Israeli-Palestinian women activists for a just peace. The methodology for interpretation and analysis that is worked out combines dialogical interpretation as presented in Arthur W. Frank’s socio-narratology with a method for structural analysis derived from Shari Stone-Mediatores theory of storytelling as an expression of political resistance struggle. The results show that some stories drawing on marginalized experiences have a potential­ to stimulate further public debate through their capacity to enable a stereoscopic seeing, elucidating a tension between ideologically structured discourse and non-linguistic experience; implying that narrative-hermeneutic competence should be considered crucial for public debate.

Under the 1990s restructuring of the Swedish education system, ‘the fundamentaldemocratic values’ have stipulated clearly both in the Education Act and all of thenational curricula as one of the educational goals. This study aims to illuminate how thefundamental democratic values in the Swedish curriculum for preschool are implemented,its process and outcome on a micro level, a preschool. The role of the preschools inSweden has been changed especially after the new curriculum has been issued in 1998, and now, “to impart and establish respect for human rights and the fundamentaldemocratic values” is an important task of the preschools and expected to “activelypromote” in its work with children. Through a qualitative case study focused on apreschool in Forest municipality, Stockholm, the findings show the principal and thepedagogue in the chosen preschool are conscious of the importance of the fundamentaldemocratic values within the individual perspectives. This study also illustrates that thepedagogue have developed their understanding for the fundamental values continuously,through the several types of meetings, and have applied it to their daily activities.Furthermore, the findings also show that the pedagogue in the chosen preschool haveutilised ‘the five value keywords’ those were selected in the school district where thepreschool belonged. As a whole the research on the chosen preschool indicates theimportance of role of pedagogue at preschool for implementation of the nationaleducation policy. On the other hand, this study has clarified that Forest municipality hashad important role for the implementation process and evaluation of preschools in themunicipality. This fact indicates that how municipalities take initiatives affects successfulimplementation of the curriculum. As concluding remarks, this study argue the results ofthe present research indicate that the chosen preschool has supplied opportunities for bothchildren and parents to learn/exercise deliberative democracy, that may be seeds to fosteractive citizen.

Undersökningen syftar till att utforska en postsekulär variant av integrationsbegreppet, genom att kritiskt granska aktuell forskning om integration. Detta genom ett explorativt begreppsstudium som primär metodologisk ansats, ett allmänt litteraturstudium som sekundär ansats, samt ett intersektionellt perspektiv som komplementär teoretisk ansats. Undersökningens postsekulära teoretiska ramverk utgörs av Zygmunt Baumans teori om flytande modernitet, Charles Taylors teori om den dialogiska funktionen, och Seyla Benhabibs teori om deliberativ demokrati. Undersökningen visar på fem centrala dimensioner av det postsekulära integrationsbegreppet; (i) mer än enbart religion, (ii) förändrade maktförhållanden och villkor, (iii) intersektionalitet, (iv) samtida aktivism, och slutligen (v) ideal och visioner. Den första dimensionen syftar till att problematisera den vetenskapliga debatten om postsekularitet, och påpeka dess ensidiga betoning på religion och religiositet i relation till sekulära samhällen. Den andra dimensionen syftar till att undersöka maktförhållanden och villkor, med grund i historiska, ekonomiska, sociala och globala faktorer. En tredje dimension belyser den mänskliga identitetens komplexitet och dess transformation, utifrån maktrelationer och tillhörighetskategorier. Den fjärde dimensionen som trädde fram accentuerade begrepp som deliberativ demokrati, omförhandling, försoning och solidaritet. Fokus lades främst på socialt engagemang och gräsrotsinitiativ som former av aktivism. Den femte och avslutande dimensionen anspelar på idealets och visionernas betydelse, och hur dessa träder fram i samtida sekulär kontext. Med grund i undersökningens resultat, är det möjligt att påvisa hur traditionella förståelser av integrationsbegreppet framträder som otillräckliga och kontraproduktiva i strävan efter jämlik och inkluderande integration. / The purpose of this study is to explore a postsecular alternative to the concept of integration, through a critical examination of current research on integration. This is achieved through an explorative conceptual study as the primary method, a general literature study as the subordinate method, and an intersectional perspective as a complementary theoretical approach. The postsecular theoretical framework of this thesis consists of Zygmunt Bauman’s theory of liquid modernity, Charles Taylor’s theory of the dialogical function, and Seyla Benhabib’s theory of deliberative democracy. The study presents five central features of the postsecular concept of integration as being; (i) more than just religion, (ii) change in power relations and conditions, (iii) intersectionality, (iv) contemporary activism, and lastly (v) ideals and visions. The first feature aims to scrutinize the scientific postsecular debate, and point out its one-sided emphasis on religion and religiosity in relation to secular societies. The second feature aims to examine power relations and conditions, constituted by historical, economic, social and global factors. A third feature illuminates the complexity and transformation of identity, with regards to power relations and categories of belonging. The fourth feature which appeared in the study emphasized concepts like deliberative democracy, renegotiation, reconciliation and solidarity. The focal point being social commitment and grassroots- levels of initiatives as forms of activism. The fifth and concluding feature refers to the significance of ideals and visions and how these appear in contemporary secular context. Based on this study, it is possible to claim how traditional understandings of the concept of integration appear inadequate and counterproductive in the endeavor of an equal and inclusive integration.