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O Mercosul social: avanços e obstáculos para uma nova dinâmica de integração regional / Social Mercosur: improvements and obstacles to a new dynamic of regional integrationPaulo Afonso Monteiro Velasco Júnior 20 September 2013 (has links)
Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Este trabalho busca analisar a nova dinâmica do processo de integração no Mercosul, caracterizada pelo tratamento de temas sociais como direitos humanos, meio ambiente, saúde e educação, indicando o avanço de uma agenda social de integração que rompe com a tradição
comercialista do bloco. O avanço de governos progressistas nos países membros contribuiu para essa nova lógica integradora, tendo estimulado também o aumento dos mecanismos de participação social, abrindo espaço para uma maior presença de atores sociais nas discussões relativas à integração. É objetivo da pesquisa avaliar qual é a efetiva influência desses novos atores no Mercosul, questionando-se a possível existência de uma esfera pública transnacional. Para chegar a uma resposta, o trabalho recorre a variáveis e conceitos como déficit democrático, transparência, representatividade e faz um estudo específico das características e dos meios de articulação de duas categorias sociais no bloco: as centrais
sindicais e os empresários. / This work aims to analyze the new dynamic of the integration process in Mercosur, characterized by dealing with social issues such as human rights, environment, health and education, what indicates the progress of a social agenda of integration that surpasses the
commercial tradition of the arrangement. The rise of left oriented governments in the members helped the settlement of that new integration logic, stimulating, as well, new mechanisms of social participation, opening room for a wider presence of social actors in the debates related to integration. This research aims to measure what is the effective influence of those new actors in Mercosur, arguing the possible existence of a transnational public sphere. To reach an answer, this work deals with variables and concepts like democratic deficit, transparence, representativeness and specifically studies the characteristics and means of articulation of two social categories of the arrangement: trade union federations and businessmen.
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O Mercosul social: avanços e obstáculos para uma nova dinâmica de integração regional / Social Mercosur: improvements and obstacles to a new dynamic of regional integrationPaulo Afonso Monteiro Velasco Júnior 20 September 2013 (has links)
Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Este trabalho busca analisar a nova dinâmica do processo de integração no Mercosul, caracterizada pelo tratamento de temas sociais como direitos humanos, meio ambiente, saúde e educação, indicando o avanço de uma agenda social de integração que rompe com a tradição
comercialista do bloco. O avanço de governos progressistas nos países membros contribuiu para essa nova lógica integradora, tendo estimulado também o aumento dos mecanismos de participação social, abrindo espaço para uma maior presença de atores sociais nas discussões relativas à integração. É objetivo da pesquisa avaliar qual é a efetiva influência desses novos atores no Mercosul, questionando-se a possível existência de uma esfera pública transnacional. Para chegar a uma resposta, o trabalho recorre a variáveis e conceitos como déficit democrático, transparência, representatividade e faz um estudo específico das características e dos meios de articulação de duas categorias sociais no bloco: as centrais
sindicais e os empresários. / This work aims to analyze the new dynamic of the integration process in Mercosur, characterized by dealing with social issues such as human rights, environment, health and education, what indicates the progress of a social agenda of integration that surpasses the
commercial tradition of the arrangement. The rise of left oriented governments in the members helped the settlement of that new integration logic, stimulating, as well, new mechanisms of social participation, opening room for a wider presence of social actors in the debates related to integration. This research aims to measure what is the effective influence of those new actors in Mercosur, arguing the possible existence of a transnational public sphere. To reach an answer, this work deals with variables and concepts like democratic deficit, transparence, representativeness and specifically studies the characteristics and means of articulation of two social categories of the arrangement: trade union federations and businessmen.
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Bridging the gap between citizens and institutions : Is the Europe Direct Network a competent means to reconcile the trust of Europeans for the Europe of the 28? The Spanish casePapadopoulou, Evangelia January 2014 (has links)
Information has always been strategically relevant for the European Commission, especially during the last thirty years with discussions about a gap in communication and the possible democratic deficit propagating. For that reason, communication was introduced as a policy after 2000. In order to reach specific interests in the Union, the Commission highlighted the importance of the partnership with civil society in 2005 through the “Plan D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate” and its “going local” approach. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the communication strategy of the EU through the lens of one of its regional communication instruments, the Europe Direct relays of information. The relays are a first-hand portal for the citizens to enter into the Union not only by acquiring information but also by transferring their comments and suggestions to Brussels. They form, therefore, a debate platform between citizens and institutions under a European “public sphere.” Nevertheless, research has identified two critical points in their function: the host structure, which intervenes in their administration role, and the European Commission, which provides them with financial support and information services. This thesis seeks to ascertain the success or not of the relays in relation to those two variables. In order to achieve that, the Spanish study case is examined. It will be finally verified if, according to the guidance of the European Commission, the relays fulfill their role in fostering national involvement in supranational activities.
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Europeiska Unionens demokratiska underskott : -en textanalys av LissabonfördragetCarlsson, Camilla January 2014 (has links)
This essay focus on the European Union and its democracy both from a national perspective and from an international perspective. Furthermore, the essay center on the concept of democratic deficit, this in order to study the European Union´s status regarding the democratic legitimacy. This study intends to nuance the problems that previous research and previous researchers have defined as democratic deficits in the European Union and ends up in conducting a textual analysis of the latest European Union treaty, the Lisbon Treaty. The aim is that by using previous research on the democratic deficit in the European Union examine whether the Lisbon Treaty has enhanced the EU's position regarding democratic legitimacy. In other words, my study aims to identify what the deficit is and if it exists. The results show that the Lisbon Treaty has been trying to improve the democratic legitimacy and that some practical adjustments have been made, but it also show that there is much that still can be improved before citizens have full democratic rights.
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European Identity-building and the Democratic Deficit - a Europe in search of its 'Demos'Bruhagen, Åsa January 2006 (has links)
During the last two decades the citizens’ trust in the European Union (EU) has decreased. It has been established that the Union suffer from a democratic deficit which has caused it to impose so called “identity-policies”. There is a need for the citizens to identify with the Union as a foundation of its legitimacy. But there is a problem since there is no clear idea of who constitutes “the people” in the European case. Democratic theory presupposes a demos and a polity. The problem of the EU is that there are difficulties defining the ‘demos’ – there are difficulties identifying ‘the people’. The fact that the EU is in a situation where it has to deal with ‘peoples’ instead of a ‘people’ (demoi instead of demos) makes it more difficult since demos is closely related to the ‘nation’. Only nations may have states, thus the EU may not have a state. Hence it is difficult for the EU to conceptualize a demos, and without a demos there cannot be democracy. By arguing in this way the great need to create a ‘peoples’ Europe’ is understandable. The thesis will concentrate on why there is a lack of a demos, or a “We-feeling”, within the Union, why this is a source of anxiety, and what possibly could unite the Union. Attempts have been made to create a ‘European’ identity through constitution-making (however, a new constitution was recently rejected) and citizenship rights. The Union has also adopted a number of symbols to facilitate the citizens in identifying with the Union. Most of these symbols have been similar to those of the memberstates, thus, the Union has tried to use the methods of nation-building to overcome the legitimacy problem. Still, there is a lack of uniqueness of the Union. This may be for various reasons. Institution-building and constitution-making cannot alone provide democratic legitimacy; social practice and contestation must be included. This should take place in a public sphere but, in order to ‘have’ a public sphere, there must be a certain degree of collective identification. It has also been claimed that there is a ‘European’ culture stemming from three ancient treasure houses (the ancient Near East, the ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire). Since culture is based on norms, i.e. customs, attitudes, beliefs, and values of a society, it is of importance to the Union when this is what politics are based on. The study of this topic is relevant since the EU has an increased impact on the lives of its citizens, yet troubles to reach them. There is a lack of communication between the Union and its citizens and the democratic deficit becomes more and more obvious. The methods used by the Union do not seem successful and the issue of a European identity has become a source of anxiety.
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Le contrôle parlementaire des affaires européennes : quelle influence sur les attitudes envers l’UE?Mounier, Antoine 01 1900 (has links)
Le contrôle des parlements nationaux envers les affaires européennes a récemment reçu beaucoup d’attention autant des institutions de l’Union européenne (UE) que des auteurs participant à la littérature sur le déficit démocratique. Pour autant, si plusieurs travaux ont démontré comment ce contrôle pouvait contribuer à améliorer la médiatisation des enjeux européens ou encore la transposition des directives, son rôle sur les attitudes des citoyens tient souvent du postulat et n’a jusqu’à présent fait l’objet d’aucune recherche. En mobilisant les données issues du projet Observatory of National Parliaments after Lisbon (OPAL) récoltées entre 2010 et 2012, cette étude adopte une méthodologie quantitative avec pour ambition de mesurer l’influence que le contrôle parlementaire des affaires européennes pourrait avoir dans la formation des attitudes envers l’UE. Étant donné que les attitudes envers le niveau national et européen sont étroitement reliées, nous avons en premier lieu démontré que le contrôle parlementaire participait à renforcer la confiance envers le parlement national. En ce qui concerne le niveau européen, nos résultats indiquent que le contrôle parlementaire semble avoir un effet antagoniste sur la confiance envers l’UE avec d’une part la capacité institutionnelle des parlements ayant un effet positif, et d’autre part l’activité parlementaire ayant un effet négatif. Cette recherche, bien qu’exploratoire et donc perfectible, pose ainsi les bases d’une meilleure compréhension du rôle que pourraient jouer les parlements nationaux dans la formation des attitudes envers l’UE. / The oversight of national parliaments over European affairs has recently received a great deal of
attention, both from institutions of the European Union (EU) and from authors contributing to the
literature on the democratic deficit. However, while several studies have shown how this control
could contribute positively to the media coverage of European issues or to the transposition of
directives, its role on citizens' attitudes is often postulated and has so far not been demonstrated.
By mobilizing data from the Observatory of National Parliaments after Lisbon (OPAL) project
collected between 2010 and 2012, this study adopts a quantitative methodology with the ambition
of measuring the influence that parliamentary oversight over European affairs could have in
shaping attitudes towards the EU. Since attitudes towards the national and European level are
closely linked, I first demonstrated that parliamentary oversight helps to build confidence in the
national parliament. Regarding the European level, the results indicate that parliamentary control
seems to have an antagonistic effect on trust in the EU; on the one hand, the institutional capacity
of parliaments have a positive effect, and on the other hand, the parliamentary activity has a
negative effect. This research, although exploratory and therefore preliminary, thus lays the
foundations for a better understanding of the role that national parliaments could potentially play
in shaping attitudes towards the EU.
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Meziparlamentní spolupráce v Evropské Unii: tři případy Žlutých karet / The Inter-Parliamentary Cooperation in the EU: the Three Cases of Yellow CardsShkaruppa, Maria January 2018 (has links)
This Master thesis focuses on the three occurrences of the so-called Yellow Card procedure, a part of the Early Warning Mechanism introduced into the EU legislative practice with the Lisbon Treaty. The analysis of the practical cases helps to shed light on the development of the interparliamenatry cooperation among the national parliaments of the EU Member States and the ability of this cooperation to affect the EU decision-making process. The work discusses how the Mechanism was institutionalised and whether it established a more direct link between the EU decision-making and the EU citizens, thus creating an additional accountability channel. The thesis addresses to which extent the Mechanism is capable of compensating the national parliaments for being cut off from the EU processes. The next task of the work is to assess how well the interparliamentary cooperation works and whether in the three practical instances the Mechanism proved to be effective. Furthermore, the thesis elaborates on whether the novelty was successful and if it realised the potential to curb the democratic deficit problem in the EU. Attention is given as well to the practical issues with the Mechanism implementation and to how the national parliaments are capable of dealing with them. All in all, the thesis at hand is a...
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Demokratický deficit EU: možnosti vývoje / Democratic deficit of the EU: options of evolvementTomášová, Tereza January 2011 (has links)
Diploma thesis " Democratic deficit of the EU: options of evolvement" deals with democracy and democratic legitimacy of the European Union. It represents a particular concept of the EU's democratic deficit, which is ambiguous term, but generally indicates a lack of democracy- particularly the lack of popular participation in the governance or a lack of democratic legitimacy of EU institutions and decision-making. The aim of my work was, according to the hypotheses to determine what is causing the EU's democratic deficit, whether it is a serious problem that should be addressed at European level, and if so, what are the possibilities for minimizing or further evolvement. To explore this issue further, I examine the theory of democratic legitimacy in the introduction and divide it into the "input and output" legitimacy. Subsequently, I also introduced methodology and the current debate on democratic deficit in the leading periodicals, dealing with the EU and think tanks. The second part deals with the history of the democratic deficit and its various definitions, follows with a presentation of my two hypotheses dealing with the question whether or not the EU's democratic deficit is a problem. In the third part, my two hypotheses are tested on the project of the Single European Sky, which aims to...
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[en] DEMOCRATIC DEFICIT AND THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: AN ANALYSIS OF SUPRANATIONAL REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION / [pt] DÉFICIT DEMOCRÁTICO E PARLAMENTO EUROPEU: UMA ANÁLISE DA DEMOCRACIA REPRESENTATIVA SUPRANACIONAL DA UNIÃO EUROPEIAPIETRO DUTRA FAEDA PIZZIOLO 20 September 2023 (has links)
[pt] A União Europeia se apresenta como a mais bem sucedida experiência
supranacional. Diante do seu inevitável, e necessário, projeto de integração
regional, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo verificar a existência de um déficit
democrático em sua instituição parlamentar. Para tanto, serão abordadas as teorias
democráticas liberais que dão forma teórica à democracia representativa ocidental,
para que se possa fundamentar as instituições que compõem o bloco. Após, serão
analisadas as posições quanto à existência do déficit democrático na União, a
perspectiva de um constitucionalismo para além do Estado-Nação, a
impossibilidade de aprofundamento federalista, e às críticas à abordagem liberal
europeísta, para que assim se analise a atuação do Parlamento Europeu como órgão
democraticamente legítimo de representatividade supranacional. / [en] The European Union presents itself as the most successful supranational
experiment. In view of its inevitable and necessary regional integration project, the
present research aims to verify the existence of a democratic deficit in its
parliamentary institution. To this end, liberal democratic theories that give
theoretical form to western representative democracy will be addressed, so that the
institutions that make up the bloc can be founded. Afterwards, the positions
regarding the existence of the democratic deficit in the Union, the perspective of a
constitutionalism beyond the Nation-State, the impossibility of federalist
deepening, and the criticisms of the liberal Europeanist approach will be analyzed,
so that the performance of Parliament can be analyzed. European Union as a democratically legitimate supranational representative body.
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Effekter av mellankommunal samverkan : om skalfördelar och demokratiska implikationer / Effects of intermunicipal cooperation : a study regarding benefits of scale and democratic implicationsFlemgård, Johan January 2019 (has links)
Swedish local governments participate in different forms of intermunicipal cooperation in particular policy fields to achieve benefits of scale. This is often thought to improve efficiency and/or facilitate recruitment of experts and other competent personnel, aspects which are considered deficient in many municipalities as a consequence of demographical changes. Intermunicipal cooperation has become a widely used measure to face these challenges.However, there is little empirical evidence supporting that benefits of scale are realized – and the many forms of cooperation municipalities participate in is considered to affect local governments’ democratic anchorage negatively due to the principal-agent problem that arises. In this essay the effects of intermunicipal cooperation have been studied in an explorative way, with both quantitative and qualitative methods. Firstly, the effects on efficiency and need of additional personnel are examined with descriptive statistics from local government environmental inspection (food safety). Secondly, interviews have been conducted with local politicians and local government head officials exploring how the democratic deficit arising from intermunicipal cooperation is perceived from a transaction cost perspective. The interviewees represent a total of four municipalities (medium or small sized), two of which engage in a joint committee in local government environmental authority (which includes food control), the other two engage in a joint administration in the same policy field.The findings from the descriptive statistical analysis does not give solid evidence of improved efficiency or improved organizational competencies. However, the interviewees percieve these aspects as improved by intermunicipal cooperation. The findings from the qualitative approach is that the democratic deficit is perceived as problematic by the local politicians, but that several circumstances influence how problematic it really is. If the municipality needs cooperation to function, and the cooperation delivers satisfactory service, the principal-agent problem is more likely to be tolerated by the principal i.e. the citizens. Other factors seem to matter as well, factors such as: which policy field the cooperation is conducted, if the service is kept in the municipality’s vicinity, and if there is trust between the cooperating municipalities.
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