The purpose of this essay is to analyse the Christian democrats and the Sweden democrats’ ideological changes regarding their law and order and migration policies based on their election manifests from 2002-2018. The aim is then to explain these changes with the help of Downs (1957) based on cooperation, ideological superiority, and internal party changes. The question is whether the political parties have become ideologically and politically similar and if Downs (1957) theory will be able to explain this. The chosen method for the study is a theory testing case-study with an ideological analysis compared over time. The political parties’ ideological changes are shown in a descriptive analysis upon which Downs (1957) theory is applied. The study’s conclusion is that the theory can be used to explain the political parties ideological and political convergence. However, it cannot conclude which aspect that has been the most significant to explain the ideological changes that have occurred.

This study aims to examine the health and care policies of the Moderates, the Christian Democrats, the Liberals and the Sweden Democrats, then compare each policy with the Tidö-agreement and analyze the parties' potential motives for cooperation. To help achieve the purpose of the study, following questions have been formulated: How did the care and care policies of the Moderates, Christian Democrats, Liberals and Sweden Democrats look before the elections in 2018 and 2022 respectively?, in what way, and to what extent, are care and care presented in the Tidö-agreement? and what political motives can explain the Moderates', Christian Democrats', Liberals' and Sweden Democrats' reasons for entering into cooperation with each other? The method is a motive analysis and to find out the possible motives of the parties, and the theory is Wolfgang C. Müller's and Kaare Strøm's theory regarding motives for the parties' actions where the parties are either most policy-seeking or office-seeking. The hypotheses are that the Moderates', Christian Democrats' and Liberals' mostly are office-seeking parties, while the Sweden Democrats' mostly is policy-seeking. However, the study results in only the hypothesis about the Liberals being strengthened, while the remaining hypotheses fall.

I denna uppsats kommer värdegrunden i Sverigedemokraternas parti att granskas utifrån de partipolitiska program som finns tillgängliga sedan 1989. Sverigedemokraterna kom in i Sveriges riksdag år 2010 och gör nu stora politiska framsteg som tredje största partiet i svensk riksdag. De är hyllade av många och kanske precis lika fruktade för sin historiska bakgrund. Syftet är att undersöka om de värderingar som utgör skolans värdegrund uttrycks i SD:s partiprogram. Metoden som har använts är en innehållsanalys med intresse för partiets formulerade värdegrund och hur Sverigedemokraterna förhåller sig till värdegrunden. Resultatet som presenteras är att Sverigedemokraterna har en historisk bakgrund som de inte kommer ifrån. De har utvecklats från år 1989 och de har blivit mer rumsrena. Idag företräder Sverigedemokraterna ett konservativt samhälle som har kristna värderingar. / In this essay the core values of the Sweden Democrats Party will be reviewed on the basis of political party programs available since 1989. The Sweden Democrats entered the Swedish parliament in 2010 and are now making major political progress as the third largest party in the Swedish parliament. They are acclaimed by many and perhaps equally feared for their historical background. The purpose is to investigate if the values that make up the school´s values are expressed in SD´s party program. The method used is content analysis with the interest of the party’s formulated values and how the Sweden Democrats relate to the core values. The results that will be presented are that Sweden Democrats have a historical background that they never can escape from. They have made progress from the year 1989 and have become more accepted. Today Sweden Democrats represent a conservative society with Christian values.

Since the Swedish Democrats established in 1988, debates and discussions have occurred regarding the party's ideological foundation and affiliation. This study is based primarily on a qualitative textual analysis, an idea- and ideology analysis and ideal types. The study's purpose is to discover which of the following political ideas and ideologies; fascism, populism, conservatism and socialism are most prominent in the Swedish Democrats election manifesto (2014) respectively principle program (2011). At my disposal, the study consists of two research questions; To what extent are there general features of socialism, populism, fascism and conservatism in the Swedish Democrats principle program respectively election manifesto? Which ideology is more prominent in the principle program respectively election manifesto? The theoretical section summarises the different ideologies central themes/discussions and view of democratic governance, the nation, the economic system respectively international governance. When conducting the analysis, the focus is on the Swedish Democrats central themes/discussions and view of democratic governance, the nation, the economic system respectively international governance and how the party's views relate to the political ideologies and ideas. The conducted analysis reveals features of all four ideologies, especially conservatism and populism.

In 1917, the Swedish socialist party SAP, Sveriges Socialdemokratiska Arbetarparti, was split in two. A more radical, leftish fraction broke out and became SSV, Sveriges Socialdemokratiska Vänsterparti (today Vänsterpartiet). The party division is often explained with different attitudes concerning parliamentarism and militarisation – a more compromising one and a more revolutionary and defence nihilist one – that in a time of world war and revolutions led to insurmountable disagreements. Several of the party members thought that the division would not be permanent, as it became. The cementation of the separation suggests that there were more fundamental differences between the leaving fraction and the remaining SAP than just short-sighted political questions such as the WW1. This essay investigates the concept of freedom in the social democratic discourse to discover whether different views and usage of the concept of freedom might indicate greater ideological differences that cemented the division. This is a thorough study of the Social Democrat magazine Tiden during the period 1915-1920, with this purpose. To see the differences properly, a theoretical background on freedom is made, where the differences between liberal, socialist and Leninist freedom together with the ideas of freedom to and freedom from, as well as Isaiah Berlins concepts of positive and negative freedom are distinguished and examined. After the examination of the material, the conclusion is drawn that the views on and ideas of freedom vary greatly, and that it is very likely that it did have an impact on the division, especially in a long-term perspective.

Internationally recognized for and culturally self-identifying as a gender equality advocate, Sweden has seen a recent uptick in popular support among women voters for its far-right nationalist political party, the Sweden Democrats (SD). While nationalist movements are primarily distinguished by their nativist political rhetoric, academic study has consistently shown that nationalism also consistently promotes a traditional gender duality while denouncing feminism and gender equality practices. Likewise, SD also consistently opposes feminist and gender equality practices in stark contrast with mainstream Swedish political parties. This qualitative discourse analysis collected, categorized, and analyzed recent Facebook posts circulated by the Sweden Democrat Women's Association (Sverigedemokraterna kvinnoförbund) leadership to identify why women (ostensibly) served by Swedish state feminism vote for and even join SD in a leadership capacity. By utilizing constructivist theoretical frameworks of social and cultural identity with a post-structural analytical methodology focusing on problem conception, representation and dissemination, the resulting analysis shows that the dominating discursive theme is practically summarized as: "(in)security." In short, SD women perceive Sweden's (equality) feminism as unrelatable, irrelevant and/or intrusive in an "everyday" existence framed by a rapidly changing Swedish society due to record immigration, increased economic insecurity, and a weakening welfare state. In closing, three prime research areas are identified for future study: image-based content analysis of SD's political messaging, increased incorporation of security frameworks in investigative writing, as well as broadened research into how Swedish equality feminism can best include two consistently detached societal clusters: native-Swedish conservative and non-Western immigrant women.

The Sweden democrats has for a long time been labelled as a racist party in swedish media. Due to the problems related to the members of the party in the 90s, where members were subject to criminal actions and racist scandals, the media had focus on the racist actions and labelled the party as a racist party therefore. How does the discourse present itself today? The purpose is to make a comparative study between the year 2014 and 2018/2019 and to research if the discourse surrounding the sweden democrats has changed during this time. Relevance for the study is how we discover, categorize and give the discourses names that helps us and also the reader to understand the process about how the media picture Sweden democrats. Our method is a comparative critical discourse analysis that we are going to use on articles published in the two largest newspapers in sweden, Aftonbladet and Expressen. We will locate the surrounding discourses from 2014 at first and then locate what kind of discourses is surrounding the party in 2018/2019. The main discourse from 2014 is the racist discourse, it´s present in nearly every article we analyse. With the racist discourse, the big difference is that the discourse is changing. When we look upon 2018/2019, new discourses take place, the new discourses we locate it’s the right populism-, scandal- and normalization discourse, the rasism discourse is still present but not so extensive as during 2014. During 2014 the racism discourse depends on the scandal discourse, this changes significant, the scandal discourse is no longer in 2018/2019 dependent on the racism discourse, but it acutally transforms into its own discourse. The focus on racism is almost gone and new scandals take place instead. In combination with the normalization discourse we can se that there has been a change, actually a big change in the media discourse surrounding the Sweden democrats.

This is a qualitative study with an argumentation and discourse approach with the purpose to compile what the Swedish democrats (SD) and the Nordic resistance movement (NMR) writes about religion in their current party program. The two main questions in this study were as follows: Are there any signs of islamophobia, antisemitism or cultural racism in the party programs of Swedish democrats and the Nordic resistance movement and how is this expressed? also Is it religion that is more represented as threat in each party program? The main theories that are discussed in this study are islamophobia, antisemitism and cultural racism. The result of the study shows that the Nordic resistance movement have many arguments that are antiemetic, and this organization especially believes that we live in a world where majority of medias and politicians are controlled by a Zionist elite group. The study of The Swedish democrat’s party program shows that many arguments have cultural racism intendencies and that the party favorites Christianity in their party program.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the internal and external supply in relation to citizens’ demand for radical populist parties. To explore how the Sweden Democrats between 2010 and 2018 has developed its party organisation and how this has changed over time. The essay is based on the theory of Cas Mudde which claims demand and supply as a reason and understanding for the increasing growth of radical right parties in Western democracies. The theory divides Sweden Democrats into three different aspects; demand, internal and external supply which explain the stability and increased support for the party. Socio-economic factors such as unemployment, education and level of immigration are significant explanation factors for radical right parties to establish on long term. However, the essay concludes that the internal aspects of the party organisation, in relation to lack of trust for the traditional parties and low party identification, are crucial explanations. The importance of these factors have gradually increased during the years 2010-2018, while the level of significance for socioeconomic factors have decreased.

Right-wing populistic parties are gaining power in many parliaments around Europe. Two parties, the Swedish democrats (SD) and the Swiss people´s party (SVP) are being classified as such. The history of those two are not at all similar, although the parties after many years of intern development and evolution are meeting each other on the political scale. This awakes a lot of questions and therefore the purpose of this paper is to examine why they went in different directions but towards each other, in the way of studying their political program and to what extent they distance themselves from the right of the political spectra. In the conclusion, it will be confirmed that they indeed are right-wing populistic parties and that the biggest traction towards any side on the political scale, is the demand of a certain policy that the electors are asking for.