The spread of nuclear weapons is one of the greatest threats to world peace and has generateda scholarly debate concerning what underlying factors drive nuclear proliferation.Iran had for many years been accused of trying to develop a clandestine nuclear weapons programwhich has been a source of great concernon the world stage.The aim of thispaper is to understand Iran ́s decision to sign the JCPOA and thereby refraining from building nuclear weapons.Three non-proliferation models;the security model, the domestic model and the norms modelwill be used to analyze Iran ́s decision and to test theirrespectiveexplanatory power. The findings of this paper show thatseveral factors contributed to Iran ́s decision to sign the JCPOA. First, economic sanctionscontributed to a strong publicopposition to the regimes nuclear policies. Second, a negative image of the nuclear program in the eyes of the population further amplified public opposition.These two factors put pressure on the regime to find a solution to the nuclear issuebecause they saw this public opposition as a threat to their survival.Third, anincreased influence ofanti-nuclear factionsin Iran ́s political systemput increased pressure on the Supreme Leader to find a solution to the nuclear issue. Fourth, the regimes perception that a nuclear weapon would decreaseIran ́s security which reduced the incentives to proliferate. All these factors put together created the circumstances for Iran to sign the JCPOA and chose the path of nuclear restraint. These findings support the assumptions of the domestic-and norm model while putting the importance of the security model in question.Iran ́s continued nuclear restraint relies on increasing theeconomic and politicalcostsof pursuing a nuclear weapon whiledecreasingthesecurity incentivesof having one.

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This thesis explores the renewal process within the Moderate Party from a postmodern perspective, focusing on epideictic rhetoric and theories of pseudo-events. By analyzing the party's strategic repositioning and communication methods, the study examines how the Moderates reshaped their public image and relationship with the electorate. Utilizing examples from political statements and internal documents, the thesis demonstrates how staged events and media appearances were used to direct public discourse. It also highlights how this renewal work contributed to shaping the party's identity and strategy in an era characterized by the increasing significance of media and image-focused political communication. This study thereby contributes to a deeper understanding of the nature of contemporary political communication and its effects on democratic processes and political engagement.

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Welfare, and the role of social democracy in defining its content and meaning, is often described as one of Sweden’s distinguishing features. However, in the quest for liberalization and marketization, reforms in past decades have substantially changed the political landscape. These developments have led many to question the viability of describing the main political actors and their attitudes towards the welfare state in terms of left or right. This dissertation contributes to the understanding of ideological convergence and past and current political cleavages by analysing the welfare debate on freedom of choice between the two main political opponents in Swedish politics over three decades. Using a morphological approach, where ideologies are viewed as distinctive configurations of political concepts creating specific conceptual patterns depending on how they are combined, the analysis focuses on the content of the concept of choice by examining the conceptual relationships between political concepts such as choice, the public and the private, equality, equity and need. The analysis reveals a convergence suggesting that the parties have united around a narrower concept of freedom of choice that relates to how it is implemented in welfare services, that is, the choice between different providers of welfare services. However, important differences remain, which are expressed in the parties’ differing conceptions of the power resources citizens need to become truly free individuals. These findings suggest that, while freedom of choice has become a central concept in the political debate, it is not central to the parties’ ideologies. Instead, the core of the parties’ ideologies appears to be articulated in e.g. the political cleavages that remain, which can be described as differing views on the role of politics and competing conceptions of need and equality.  It is how these cleavages are translated into policies that will determine possible welfare choices in the future.

This study aims to examine the health and care policies of the Moderates, the Christian Democrats, the Liberals and the Sweden Democrats, then compare each policy with the Tidö-agreement and analyze the parties' potential motives for cooperation. To help achieve the purpose of the study, following questions have been formulated: How did the care and care policies of the Moderates, Christian Democrats, Liberals and Sweden Democrats look before the elections in 2018 and 2022 respectively?, in what way, and to what extent, are care and care presented in the Tidö-agreement? and what political motives can explain the Moderates', Christian Democrats', Liberals' and Sweden Democrats' reasons for entering into cooperation with each other? The method is a motive analysis and to find out the possible motives of the parties, and the theory is Wolfgang C. Müller's and Kaare Strøm's theory regarding motives for the parties' actions where the parties are either most policy-seeking or office-seeking. The hypotheses are that the Moderates', Christian Democrats' and Liberals' mostly are office-seeking parties, while the Sweden Democrats' mostly is policy-seeking. However, the study results in only the hypothesis about the Liberals being strengthened, while the remaining hypotheses fall.

Crisis management as a concept is newly arrived in Sweden but well researched in other parts of the world. Sweden in recent years has been affected by everything from forest fires to a terrorist attack and now a pandemic. During the ongoing pandemic both crisis management and risk management has undergone a major change in the eyes of the Swedish population. The pandemic has shown an unreliable crisis management from politicians and their parties.  This study therefore aims to explore the ideologies behind the two biggest parties, the moderates and their ideology liberal conservatism and the social democrats and their ideology democratic socialism. The purpose is to find out how the ideologies affect the crisis management policy. The case study is limited to liberal conservatism and democratic socialism with the respective party, the social democrats and the moderates. Throughout the analysis of the parties crisis management policy and its connection to the ideologies the results showed that crisis management is highly affected by the different parties ideologies.

The thesis The Attempts of Spain at Power Recuperation in the sixties of the 19th Century analyzes five actions of military and naval character undertaken by the Spanish Monarchy out of its territories roughly between the years 1858 and 1866, along with their preconditions, circumstances, course, and results. In the comparison with two actions realized or initiated by Spain as early as towards the close of the 1850s (her participation in the French intervention in Vietnam in 1858-1863, the war against Morocco in 1859-1860), an profounder attention is paid to three interventions effectuated from 1861 in the American countries which still approximately four decades before had been creating components of her great overseas empire (the reannexation of Santo Domingo in 1861- 1865; the participation in the so-called Tripartite Intervention in Mexico in 1861-1862; the naval expedition towards the South America's Pacific watersides that culminated in Spanish-Peruvian controversy of 1864 and afterwards, in the so-called First Pacific War, managed in 1865-1866 by Spain against the South America's Pacific republics, primarily against Chile and Peru). After all, just the Hispanic American emancipation, consummated in the 1820s (and thus, the decomposition of the great Spanish empire in continental America, after three...

This study aims to provide answers to how the former Alliance parties relate to their basic ideologies today in comparison to the ideological anchoring during the time when the Alliance cooperation was still relevant in Swedish politics. The study also seeks to explain observed disparities based on previous political science research on Sweden's party system, the GAL-TAN scale and median voter theory. The investigation applies two dimensions to capture the ideologies in the materials; the view of human beings and social theory where an economic aspect is also included. The study examines how prevalent the parties ideologies are within the migration policies and school policies. These areas are perceived to cover the selected dimensions. The goal is for the study to increase political awareness among voters, provide increased knowledge of how Sweden's party system works and provide an explanation as to why the Alliance eventually split. The method used in the study is a qualitative ideology analysis of party programs and election manifestos based on two time periods; year 2004 and 2022. The results show that the parties follow their ideologies to a large extent based on the material. What deviated was that the Moderates' migration policy attitude has changed, whereby the party has moved more towards TAN on the GAL-TAN scale. However, the survey is not comprehensive in order to fully establish whether the parties' ideologies are followed, partly because only two policy areas are analyzed and partly because the actual and real policies were not examined.