In recent years, due to the threat of terrorism, there has been a return of banishment, in contemporary terms better known as citizenship revocation or denationalization. The aim of this thesis is to critically assess the most common arguments used for and against liberal nations’ power to revoke citizenships as punishment and as a means to protect national security. This thesis presents an argumentation analysis of some of the most common philosophical arguments used for and against citizenship revocation in liberal democratic states. The arguments are first described and then evaluated based on their evidentiary strength in order to determine whether citizenship should be unconditional. The thesis concludes that the argumentation analysis indicates that citizenship should be unconditional in a liberal democratic state.

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Esta pesquisa analisa o processo de concentração de capital, através de fusões e aquisições de empresas privadas e públicas no Brasil, nos anos 90, devido as políticas neoliberais adotadas pelos governos Collor de Mello e Fernando Henrique. Nos anos 90, os programas neoliberais difundidos na América Latina, foram delimitados pelo Consenso de Washington e formalizados nos acordos entre o FMI e o Banco Mundial com os governos latino americanos. As orientações visavam a estabilização das economias dos países emergentes, a contenção de gastos e investimentos Estatais, restrição do papel do Estado, com a privatização de empresas, bancos, recursos minerais e energéticos, etc. Assim, a abertura comercial e as reformas econômicas promovidas no Brasil, com aumento da participação dos investimentos externos deflagraram fusões e aquisições entre empresas nacionais (chamadas transações domésticas), e transações realizadas por empresas estrangeiras (denominadas cross border). A participação de empresas estrangeiras superou o volume de negócios entre empresas nacionais em quantidade, volume e valores, causando debates sobre a desnacionalização da economia brasileira. Esta pesquisa analisa a concentração de capitais no movimento de fusões e aquisições das empresas brasileiras, avaliando os setores mais afetados e a formação de oligopólios, e as circunstâncias em que ocorreram essas transações no território nacional. / This research analyzes the process of capital concentration, through merger and acquisitions of private companies and public in Brazil, in years 90, had the neoliberal politics adopted by the governments Collor de Mello and Fernando Henrique. In years 90, the spread out neoliberal programs in Latin America, they had been delimited by the Consensus of Washington and legalized in the agreements between the FMI and the World Bank with the Latin American governments. The instructions aimed at the stabilization of the economies of the \"emergent countries\", the State containment of expenses and investments, restriction of the paper of the State, with the privatization of companies, mineral and energy banks, resources, etc. Thus, the commercial opening and the promoted economic reforms in Brazil, with increase of the participation of the external investments motivate merger and acquisitions between national companies (called domestic transactions), and transactions carried through for foreign companies (called cross border). The participation of business-oriented foreign companies surpassed the volume between national companies in amount, volume and values, causing debates on the denationalization of the Brazilian economy. This research analyzes the concentration of capitals in the movement of merger and acquisitions of the Brazilian companies, evaluating the sectors more affected and the formation of oligopolies, and the circumstances where these transactions in the domestic territory had occurred.

Esta pesquisa analisa o processo de concentração de capital, através de fusões e aquisições de empresas privadas e públicas no Brasil, nos anos 90, devido as políticas neoliberais adotadas pelos governos Collor de Mello e Fernando Henrique. Nos anos 90, os programas neoliberais difundidos na América Latina, foram delimitados pelo Consenso de Washington e formalizados nos acordos entre o FMI e o Banco Mundial com os governos latino americanos. As orientações visavam a estabilização das economias dos países emergentes, a contenção de gastos e investimentos Estatais, restrição do papel do Estado, com a privatização de empresas, bancos, recursos minerais e energéticos, etc. Assim, a abertura comercial e as reformas econômicas promovidas no Brasil, com aumento da participação dos investimentos externos deflagraram fusões e aquisições entre empresas nacionais (chamadas transações domésticas), e transações realizadas por empresas estrangeiras (denominadas cross border). A participação de empresas estrangeiras superou o volume de negócios entre empresas nacionais em quantidade, volume e valores, causando debates sobre a desnacionalização da economia brasileira. Esta pesquisa analisa a concentração de capitais no movimento de fusões e aquisições das empresas brasileiras, avaliando os setores mais afetados e a formação de oligopólios, e as circunstâncias em que ocorreram essas transações no território nacional. / This research analyzes the process of capital concentration, through merger and acquisitions of private companies and public in Brazil, in years 90, had the neoliberal politics adopted by the governments Collor de Mello and Fernando Henrique. In years 90, the spread out neoliberal programs in Latin America, they had been delimited by the Consensus of Washington and legalized in the agreements between the FMI and the World Bank with the Latin American governments. The instructions aimed at the stabilization of the economies of the \"emergent countries\", the State containment of expenses and investments, restriction of the paper of the State, with the privatization of companies, mineral and energy banks, resources, etc. Thus, the commercial opening and the promoted economic reforms in Brazil, with increase of the participation of the external investments motivate merger and acquisitions between national companies (called domestic transactions), and transactions carried through for foreign companies (called cross border). The participation of business-oriented foreign companies surpassed the volume between national companies in amount, volume and values, causing debates on the denationalization of the Brazilian economy. This research analyzes the concentration of capitals in the movement of merger and acquisitions of the Brazilian companies, evaluating the sectors more affected and the formation of oligopolies, and the circumstances where these transactions in the domestic territory had occurred.

Denationalization, to deprive citizens of citizenship, is becoming an international trend – especially in order to fight terrorism. Public opinion is generally positive to these measures. However, few consider the consequences of denationalization. Only when investigating further it becomes clear that citizenship scholars are very concerned about this new trend pointing out that it easily becomes arbitrary, creates statelessness, threatens equality and how it is not an effective measure. This thesis investigates whether Members of Parliament in the UK address these concerns when extending denationalization powers, giving the Secretary of State the most extensive powers to denationalize among all liberal democracies.

The issue of citizenship deprivation has become an increasingly relevant topic in the struggle against terrorism. It is related to different conceptions of citizenship as well as the question of what is at stake in the process of depriving individuals of it. In the United Kingdom three acts have been passed in the 21st century so far that has reduced the requirements needed for the to deprive individuals of their citizenship and also to render individuals stateless. This thesis systematises the arguments made in the academic and political debates related to these acts and evaluates their legitimacy in relation to different normative standpoints. The main conclusion regards a logical inconsistency in the differentiation of two types of British citizenship, one where individuals have naturalised, the other where they are native born Britons, the latter may not under British law be rendered stateless while the former can be, although both have the status of citizen, which becomes problematic in terms of equality before the law and equal rights.

This study examines the international economic integration of Brazil and Argentina during the period of 1990-1999, and assesses the vulnerability of the two foreign countries. From the evolution of the flows of trade balance (coefficient of openness), the balance of services and capital, is the analysis of international economic integration. The analysis of the current account deficit, of how it is financed, the denationalization of the economy, the balance of international reserves of foreign debt and the coefficient of vulnerability, will assess the behavior of external vulnerability. It follows that the international economic integration of Brazil and Argentina, through the adoption of policies of adjustment recommended by the Washington Consensus, took place in a subordinate and dependent on large economic and financial centers, to the extent that the two countries acted as receivers in the pattern of shortterm, resulting from trade liberalization, supported by the overvalued exchange rate, which caused a structural change in the trade balance, making it the deficit. There was an increase in vulnerability in the two countries, because the external accounts have deteriorated, increased the foreign debt grew and the degree of internationalization of production through greater presence of foreign equity companies, increasing the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of international groups. Moreover, the inadequacy and inconsistency of these policies are also evidenced by the low GDP growth and rising unemployment. / Este estudo analisa a inserção econômica internacional do Brasil e da Argentina, no período de 1990-1999, e avalia a vulnerabilidade externa dos dois países. A partir da evolução dos fluxos da balança comercial (coeficiente de abertura), da balança de serviços e de capitais, é feita a análise da inserção econômica internacional. Com a análise do déficit em conta corrente, da forma com que ele é financiado, da desnacionalização da economia, do saldo das reservas internacionais, do endividamento externo e do coeficiente de vulnerabilidade, será avaliado o comportamento da vulnerabilidade externa. Conclui-se que a inserção econômica internacional de Brasil e Argentina, através da adoção das políticas de ajuste recomendadas pelo Consenso de Washington, deu-se de forma subordinada e dependente aos grandes centros econômicos e financeiros, na medida em que os dois países atuaram como receptores dos fluxos financeiros de curto prazo, resultantes da abertura comercial, apoiadas na sobrevalorização do câmbio, a qual provocou uma mudança estrutural na balança comercial, tornando-a deficitária. Verifica-se que houve um aumento na vulnerabilidade nos dois países, pois as contas externas se deterioraram, aumentou o endividamento externo e cresceu o grau de internacionalização da produção por meio de maior presença de empresas de capital estrangeiro, ampliando a concentração de renda e poder nas mãos de grupos internacionais. Além disso, a inconsistência e a inadequação dessas políticas também são comprovadas pelo baixo crescimento do PIB e pelo aumento do desemprego.

In the last few years, migration towards Europe has intensified as a result of poverty and war in other parts of the world. Now, the European Union finds itself in a “refugee crisis” that has brought about contrasting reactions from within European societies. While many civil society organizations have mobilized for the inclusion of asylum seekers and undocumented migrants, governments have increasingly focused on restricting access and limiting their numbers. This study seeks to understand and explain the role of civil society in the refugee crisis. To this end, citizenship and framing theories are applied to the case of the Swedish Red Cross. Specific “acts of citizenship” carried out by the Red Cross in Sweden, and in Europe more generally, are analyzed. The study’s findings suggest that this civil society organization/movement acts as both a “denationalizing” (Sassen 2002) and a “post-nationalizing” (Bosniak 2006) force as it pushes the boundaries of citizenship from within and beyond the borders of the nation-state. It does this by calling upon international humanitarian and human rights laws and principles and by positioning itself inside and outside the political system at the same time.

Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:54:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2002-09-16T00:00:00Z / The objective of this paper is to analyze the recent process of mergers and acquisitions in the brazilian economy, regarding their impacts on market concentration. Here, the correlations between the nature of the operation and some economic variables related to the firms are sought. From data of the judge reports of the Brazilian Competition Authority (CADE) about the concentration acts and the economic reports of the Economic Secretary on Competition of the Treasure Ministry (SEAE) about that cases, an econometric research is performed, using the logit model. The assumption is that operations with horizontal nature have greater impacts on market concentration than that with vertical and/or conglomeration nature. The outcome shows that the denationalization and operations in some sectors increase the concentration, whereas in global operations this effect is smaller. / O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o recente processo de fusões e a aquisições na economia brasileira, no tocante aos seus impactos sobre a concentração. Busca-se verificar correlações entre a natureza da operação e algumas variáveis econômicas referentes às empresas envolvidas. Através de dados dos relatórios de julgamento dos atos de concentração do Conselho Administrativo de Defesa Econômica (CADE) e dos pareceres econômicos formulados pela Secretaria de Acompanhamento Econômico do Ministério da Fazenda (SEAE), realiza-se um estudo econométrico através do modelo logit. A suposição é de que operações de natureza horizontal possuem efeitos prejudiciais maiores sobre a concentração de mercado do que as de natureza vertical e/ou conglomerado. O resultado obtido mostra que a desnacionalização de empresas e as operações ocorridas em alguns setores aumentam a concentração, enquanto que nas operações de abrangência mundial este efeito é menor.

À travers cette recherche, nous avons étudié la violation des droits des travailleurs migrants haïtiens en République dominicaine à la lumière du principe de l’effectivité du droit international. L’étude analyse en profondeur deux aspects de cette violation : la question d’expulsion collective et la violation du droit à la nationalité. En réaction à celle-ci, nous analysons le problème de l’exécution des décisions de justice de la Cour régionale condamnant l’État dominicain. En premier lieu, l’histoire relate que dès l’époque coloniale, des différends survirent entre les deux puissances colonisatrices de l’île - la France (à l’ouest/Haïti) et l’Espagne (à l’est/la République dominicaine) - en vue du partage de cet espace géographique. Ces différends sont transmis comme héritage aux deux États (Haïti et la République dominicaine) issus de la colonisation. Avec le développement de la migration haïtienne sur le territoire voisin, les différends persistent en raison des traitements infligés aux travailleurs migrants haïtiens. Ils sont considérés comme étant des invités indésirables au point d’être qualifiés de problème. Dans l’espace public dominicain, il a été institué l’expression «el problema haitiano». Si Trujillo a tenté de résoudre ledit problème via le génocide, à partir des années 1990, les autorités préfèrent procéder par des vagues de déportations massives réalisées de façon sommaire contrairement au droit international. Par exemple, les garanties judiciaires ne sont pas respectées. En vue de mieux faciliter la déportation, l’État dominicain met en œuvre tout un processus de déchéance de nationalité. Ainsi, au cours des années 2000, les fonctionnaires de l’administration publique dominicaine refusaient d’enregistrer les enfants qui, selon la constitution, ont droit à la nationalité dominicaine. D’autre part, ils ont saisi les documents d’identité des individus qui font partie de cette catégorie de personnes. En réaction à ces exactions, la Cour interaméricaine des droits de l’homme a condamné à deux reprises l’État dominicain. Par contre, dans les faits, ces décisions peinent à être exécutées. Dans l’arrêt rendu dans le cadre de l’affaire des enfants Yean et Boscico, les mesures les plus significatives ne sont pas exécutées. Dans l’affaire des personnes dominicaines et haïtiennes expulsées, en guise d’exécution, la réaction de l’État constitue, de préférence, des résistances nationales à l’exécution de ladite décision. Tant sur le plan politique que sur les plans judiciaire et administratif, le comportement de l’État va dans le sens contraire à l’exécution de la décision de la Cour de San José. Dans les faits, les règles de droit garantissant les droits en question restent lettres mortes vis-à-vis de l’État dominicain. Voilà ce qui permet de confirmer l’hypothèse principale de la recherche selon laquelle la violation du droit à la nationalité des personnes d’ascendance haïtienne en République dominicaine s’explique en raison de l’ineffectivité des règles de droit codifiées par le droit international public. Afin que les personnes d’ascendance haïtienne puissent jouir de leurs droits, nous faisons, entre autres, des recommandations à l’État dominicain, à la République d’Haïti et à la communauté internationale. / This research focuses on the problem of the violation of the rights of Haitian migrant workers in the Dominican Republic. We highlight two key points. The first one is the mass deportation; the second one refers to the violation of the right of nationality. In reaction to this one, we analyze the problem of execution of the decisions of the international jurisdictions precisely, the Court of San José that condemned the Dominican Republic. First, the history shows that since the colonial time, there were disputes between the two-colonizing superpower of the island - France (west, Haiti) and Spain (east, Dominican Republic) - about their part of the territory. Those misunderstandings are transmitted as a heritage to the two countries that share the geographic territory of the island at the end of the colonization. With the development of the Haitian migration on the territory of the Dominican Republic, the dispute increased between the two countries because of the treatment that Haitian cane cutters received. They considered them as unwanted guest and as a problem. So, in the Dominican society, people use the expression « el problema haitianno ». Via his genocide, Trujillo tried to solve that problem, but nowadays, since the beginning of the 1990s, the authorities preferred to organize the mass deportation of Haitian workers and their descents. It is a violation not only of the principles of public international law, but also of human rights. For example, the Dominican Republic violates the juridical guarantees codified by the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights. In order to facilitate the mass deportation, the State creates a process of denationalization. Therefore, during the 2000s, the officials of the Dominican public administration refused to deliver a birth certificate to children who have this right according to the constitution. On the other hand, the official use to seize and/or destroy documents of identity of this category of people. In reaction, the Inter-American Court of Human Right condemned twice the Dominican Republic because of those violations. But the state refuses to execute those decisions. In the case of the girls Yean and Boscico, the key points of the decision are not executed. In the case of the Dominican and Haitian expelled, the State reacted against the decision and refuse to execute it. Here are, among others, the arguments that confirm the principal hypothesis of the research that assimilates the violation of the right of nationality of Haitian migrants’ workers' descents in the Dominican Republic to the effectiveness of the rule of law of international public law. In order to repair the damages caused to the Haitian cane cutters and their descents, we make recommendations first, to Dominican State; secondly, to Haitian State and lastly to the members of the international society.