La politique étrangère de la République populaire de Chine est l’objet d’explications doxiques qui, en vertu d’un raisonnement rationaliste positiviste, lui attribuent des visées secrètes, déterminées par des « intérêts » de « sécurité ». L’accession en 2003 de la Chine au rang symbolique de troisième puissance spatiale, après les États-Unis et la Russie, a été présentée par les experts réalistes des Relations internationales comme un témoignage supplémentaire de l’ambiguïté du pouvoir politique chinois quant à son utilisation des technologies militaires dans l’espace extra-atmosphérique. L’objectif de la thèse est de proposer une approche constructiviste de la politique étrangère chinoise en matière de Prévention d’une course aux armements dans l’espace. Il s’agit de reconnaître les sources premières par lesquelles le pouvoir politique chinois fait connaître et évoluer sa position en la matière. Le discours diplomatique produit à Genève par la délégation chinoise auprès de la Conférence du désarmement (CD) entre 1998 et 2009 est le matériau analysé par l’étude. Sa matérialité discursive est instituée dans des documents multiples au travers desquels sont produits des récits en légitimation des normes prescrites par la délégation chinoise ainsi que des représentations problématisées du réel social. La production discursive de normes façonne un ethos idéalisé du pouvoir politique en RPC. Elle est aussi constitutive de stratégies rhétoriques de coercition et de contestation destinées à contraindre la production discursive des délégations des autres États à propos de négociations connexes. Ces stratégies sont à l’origine du « blocage » de la CD depuis 1998. / The People’s Republic of China foreign policy is subject to doxic explanations which, in accordance with a rationalist positivist problem-solving theory, see it as secretly determined by “security interests”. The symbolic world space power rank that China has gained until 2003, behind the United States and Russia, was set out by realist International relations experts as further evidence of Chinese political power ambiguity towards its possible application of military technologies in outer space. The purpose of this research is to put forward a constructivist approach of the Chinese foreign policy related to the Prevention of an arms race in outer space. Primary sources of its position must be identified in order to understand the way the Chinese political power develop it. The Geneva Conference on Disarmament (CD) diplomatic discourse produced by Chinese diplomacy between 1998 and 2009 is the material of the study. The discourse materiality is constituted by working papers and statements through which numerous narratives are produced in order to legitimate norms and to problematize the representations of social reality. Discursive production of international norms shapes an idealized ethos of the political power in People’s Republic of China. Discursive production is also constitutive of coercion and contestation strategies, designed to force the discursive production of the other State members representatives about related negociated issues. Since 1998, these strategies have resulted in the CD deadlock.

The level of brutality and violence against children abducted and forcefully conscripted by the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in northern Uganda pricked the conscience of humanity. The suffering of the people in northern Uganda was described by Jan Egeland, the former United Nations Under-Secretary for Humanitarian Affairs, as 'the biggest forgotten humanitarian crisis in the world'. This study is primarily concerned with the plight of child soldiers in northern Uganda and how their effective reintegration and rehabilitation (RR) could lead to successful peacebuilding. The study is premised on the hypothesis that 'the promotion of the RR of former child soldiers by providing psychosocial support based on traditional and indigenous resources may contribute to conditions of peace and stability in northern Uganda'. The main contribution of this research is that it explores the relevance of psychosocial support based on the traditional and indigenous resources to the RR of child soldiers and peacebuilding of war-torn societies. Psychosocial support based on traditional and indigenous resources as an element of peacebuilding has been the neglected element of peacebuilding by the liberal peacebuilding interventions in most war-torn societies. For example, while traditional and indigenous resources in northern Uganda have been instrumental in the RR of former child soldiers, most scholars and policy makers have largely paid attention to the usual official government and United Nations structured top-down interventions that emphasize Western approaches of peacebuilding. More so, the official approaches have tended to marginalize the plight of former child soldiers in the reconstruction and peacebuilding of northern Uganda. Yet, failing to pay sufficient attention to effective RR of child soldiers could undermine the peace dividends already achieved in northern Uganda. The study also analyses the limitations of psychosocial support based on traditional and indigenous resources in the RR of former child soldiers. It further examines why Western approaches of psychosocial support in the RR of child soldiers have remained in use in spite of the criticisms levelled against them. The study examines other peacebuilding interventions, both official and unofficial, that have been implemented in northern Uganda. In terms of key findings, the study establishes that traditional and indigenous resources are still popular and have been widely used in northern Uganda in the RR of child soldiers. Majority of former child soldiers who were interviewed observed that they found traditional and indigenous resources more helpful than the Western models of psychosocial support. However, it was also established that there is a significant section of former child soldiers who found Western models more relevant in their RR processes. Based on these findings, the study recommends an integrative and holistic model of psychosocial support that blends good elements from both traditional and indigenous resources and Western approaches with greater emphasis on the former.

The thesis examines, how the journal Rudé právo reflected reforms of Michail Gorbachev in the Soviet Union in period 1985 - 1990. Gorbachev tried to transform Soviet economy into a model that would include elements of the free market. Gorbachev also enforced democratic system of government and freedom of speech. To the Western part of the world Gorbachev offered negotiations on disarmament and destruction of nuclear weapons. By this initiative Gorbachev contributed to the end of the cold war. Gorbachev never thought about transition of the Soviet Union into capitalism and leaving the communist ideology. In Gorbachev's meaning communism was the only right ideology and reforms should modernize the Soviet system and enable next building of socialism. In the thesis quantitative content analysis has been used. This method allowed to obtain the necessary information. Thesis also informs about the role of Gorbachev's reforms and their process. Thesis than presents impact of these reforms to collapse of the USSR. By the content analysis range of editions of the journal Rudé právo in period 1985 - 1990 was explored. Relevant texts were evaluated according to the variables of analysis. 584 texts were analysed and therefore enough information to answer the hypotheses was obtained. Thesis also evaluates the objectivity...

O objetivo geral desta tese, composta por três artigos, é analisar as causas da criminalidade. As análises são feitas sob a ótica da Economia do Crime. Os dois primeiros artigos são independentes, mas complementares. Neles se busca lançar luz sobre as possíveis causas da queda do crime na cidade São Paulo. A ênfase recai na política de desarmamento dos cidadãos, no desempenho da Polícia e nas condições econômicas, em particular do mercado de trabalho. No primeiro deles, o objetivo é avaliar o efeito do Estatuto do Desarmamento sobre a criminalidade letal. Para isso foram utilizados dados de séries temporais da cidade de São Paulo na aplicação de uma metodologia de análise de intervenção. A hipótese de que a política de desarmamento causou redução na taxa de crimes letais não é rejeitada. Partindo dessa evidência, no segundo artigo o principal objetivo é investigar possíveis causas da significativa redução da criminalidade na cidade de São Paulo. Por meio de uma análise de cointegração evidenciaram-se relações de longo prazo entre crime, atividade econômica e desempenho da Polícia. Os resultados indicam que a taxa de crimes letais é positivamente relacionada ao desemprego, negativamente relacionada ao salário real e negativamente relacionada aos resultados das atividades de polícia, especificamente prisões e apreensão de armas de fogo. Ademais, não é rejeitada a hipótese de que o Estatuto do Desarmamento causou redução na taxa de crimes letais, reforçando a conclusão feita no primeiro artigo desta tese. No terceiro artigo, o foco das análises passa a ser os determinantes do risco de vitimização criminal. O objetivo é investigar os efeitos da riqueza dos indivíduos no risco de serem vítimas de crimes contra a propriedade, em particular crimes de furto/roubo a residência e furto/roubo a pessoa. Em termos específicos, o intuito é investigar se a relação entre risco de vitimização e riqueza pode ser descrita por uma parábola com concavidade voltada para baixo. São utilizados os dados de duas pesquisas domiciliares de vitimização realizadas na cidade de São Paulo na estimação de modelos probit. Os resultados das estimações indicaram que a riqueza dos indivíduos é um dos determinantes do risco de vitimização criminal a propriedade. Ademais, evidenciou-se que o risco de vitimização cresce com a riqueza, mas atinge um ponto de máximo, a partir do qual se reduz para níveis de riqueza mais elevados. / This three-article PhD thesis aims to investigate the causes of crime using an economic approach. The first two articles are independent, but complementary. In these articles, the objective is to shed light on possible causes of reductions in the crime rate in Sao Paulo city, focusing on the citizen disarmament policy, police performance, economic conditions and, particularly, the labor market. In the first article, the objective is assessing the effect of the Disarmament Statute on lethal crime rates. For this purpose, we used time-series data for Sao Paulo city in applying an intervention analysis methodology. The hypothesis that the disarmament policy led to a decline in the lethal crime rate is not rejected. Based on this evidence, the main objective of the second article is to investigate possible causes for the significant reduction observed in crime rates in Sao Paulo city. By applying a cointegration analysis, we observed long-run relationships between crime, economic activity and police performance. The results indicate that the lethal crime rate is positively related to unemployment and negatively related to real wages and to the results of law-enforcement activities, specifically arrests and seizure of firearms. Moreover, the hypothesis that the Disarmament Statute led to a reduction in the lethal crime rate is not rejected, reinforcing the conclusion arrived at in the first article of this thesis. In the third article, the focus of the analysis shifts to the determinants of criminal victimization. In this study, the objective is to investigate the effects of the wealth of individuals on the risk of becoming victims of property crimes, particularly crimes of theft/robbery of residence and theft/robbery of person. Specifically, its aim is to investigate whether the relationship between wealth and victimization risk can be described by a concave down parabola. Data from two household surveys on victimization held in Sao Paulo were used to estimate probit models. It became evident that the wealth of individuals is one of the determinants of victimization risk. And it was found that criminal victimization risk increases with wealth, but that it reaches a maximum point from which it decreases as wealth levels increase.

Despite historians describing the 1970s as a time of détente, both National Security Advisors that dominated America’s foreign policy pursued harsh stances against the Soviet Union. Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski sabotaged peace talks in order help the United States keep its edge against the other world superpower. Most historians point to the similarities between these two men, but what is most often left out of the narrative is that both men witnessed persecution at the hands of totalitarian governments: Kissinger by the Nazis and Brzezinski by both the Nazis and the Soviets. This influence is strong in their first works written at Harvard University, where they met Dr. Carl J. Friedrich and Hannah Arendt, both German émigrés. This paper will explore how European intellectuals, as well as their own European heritage, predisposed both Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski in their hawkish stances against the Soviet Union.

Zeichnet sich die Außenpolitik der Großen Koalition durch „mangelndes Profil“ aus? Marieluise Beck belegt dies durch die deutsche Reaktion auf die Initiative für eine atomwaffenfreie Welt des US-Präsidenten. Auch bei den Debatten um Menschenrechte, den außenpolitischen Umgang mit China und Russland sowie die Verwendung von selektiven Sanktionen ist die Große Koalition den Anforderungen nicht gewachsen.

This study examines the current socio-economic status of the ex-combatants 10 years after the conflict in Sierra Leone. It examines the job opportunities, political space, relationship with community members, challenges faced, social networks involved in, relationship with former colleagues, access to land and other issues that are significant in the reintegration process of ex-combatants. It further studies the national socio-economic environment and how ex-combatants are faring in the overall post-war recovery process in Sierra Leone. Special focus lies on the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration of Ex-Combatants (DDR) programme which was part of the Lome Peace Agreement signed in 1999. The study also comes up with recommendations as to how the challenges currently faced by ex-combatants could be overcome.

The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [56]-[62]).

Honors Project--Smith College, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 111-119).