Na campanha do desarmamento organizada pela Organização Não Governamental Viva Rio - e realizada entre meados de 2004 e outubro de 2005, com o Referendo Sobre a Proibição do Comércio de Armas de Fogo no Brasil , os atores, discursos e práticas envolvidos na causa do desarmamento se voltavam, majoritariamente, a uma estratégia de apelo aos corações aos cidadãos de bem como forma de persuasão, atrelavam, de modo amplo, a defesa ao desarmamento à defesa à paz e ao combate à violência, e se concentravam, principalmente, na divulgação e promoção da campanha de entrega das armas. Para o debate em torno do Estatuto do Desarmamento e do Referendo, entretanto, novos atores entraram na disputa e começaram a ganhar visibilidade na esfera pública. Os atores engajados pelo "não" no Referendo acionaram aliados e seus discursos em prol de sua causa, recorrendo a elementos da moral e da religião na defesa da posse de armas como um direito inalienável dos cidadãos.Este trabalho reflete sobre as ações engendradas pelo Viva Rio em torno da questão do desarmamento desde sua fundação - com destaque para a Campanha do Desarmamento de 2004 -, discutindo a presença da religiosidade em suas iniciativas e a contribuição desta na constituição de noções de paz, violência e cidadania no espaço público brasileiro. Examina, ainda, de que modo estas noções fundamentaram a atuação pública do Viva Rio na construção de uma cultura da paz e ajudaram a compor um campo de parcerias e disputas no cenário nacional. / In the Campaign of the Disarmament organized by the Organization no Government Viva Rio - and accomplished between middles of 2004 and October of 2005, with the Referendum About the Prohibition of the Trade of Firearms in Brazil -, the actors, speeches and practices involved in the cause of the disarmament if they returned, for the most part, the a "appeal strategy to the hearts" to the "citizens of well" as persuasion form, they harnessed, in a wide way, the defense to the disarmament to the defense to the peace and the combat to the violence, and if they concentrated, mainly, in the popularization and promotion of the campaign of delivery of the weapons. For the debate around the Statute of the Disarmament and of the Referendum, however, new actors entered in the dispute and they began to win visibility in the public sphere. The actors engaged by the "no" in the Referendum they worked allies and their speeches on behalf of their cause, falling back upon elements of the morals and of the religion in the defense of the ownership of weapons as an inalienable right of the citizens. This work thinks about the actions engendered by Viva Rio around the subject of the disarmament from its foundation - with prominence for the Campaign of the Disarmament of 2004 -, discussing the presence of the religiosity in their initiatives and the contribution of this in the constitution of peace notions, violence and citizenship in the space Brazilian public. It examines, still, that way these notions based the public performance of Viva Rio in the construction of a culture of the peace and they helped to compose a field of partnerships and disputes in the national scenery.

Esta dissertação aborda o tema do desarmamento nuclear, numa tentativa de compreender a dinâmica pela qual o desarmamento se opera em nível internacional. A limitação à questão nuclear permite descrever o aparato jurídico-institucional existente para obter o abandono das armas nucleares e, ao mesmo tempo, identificar quais são e como se manifestam os obstáculos para sua concretização. A pesquisa toma como referência inicial o ensaio À Paz Perpétua, de Immanuel Kant, especialmente por suas proposições para sobrepor imperfeições da realidade atual por meio de uma evolução pautada pela razão e pela moral. No projeto kantiano, o filósofo acaba concebendo bases que podem ser úteis como referência para o fortalecimento gradual do desarmamento nuclear. A pesquisa contextualiza, assim, o surgimento das armas nucleares e a evolução da era nuclear, procurando identificar em que medida sua existência é contrária a um convívio harmonioso internacionalmente. Por se tratar de um trabalho jurídico, a parte central da dissertação é composta por detalhada análise dos tratados, convenções, organismos, resoluções e decisões judiciais internacionais relacionados ao controle e tentativa de banimento das armas nucleares. A avaliação crítica desses mecanismos jurídicos permite verificar um processo de evolução gradual, semelhante à que é concebida no ensaio de Kant para a obtenção da Paz Perpétua. Assim, apesar de representarem passos concretos rumo à meta do desarmamento nuclear, sendo interessante verificar como esses passos se retroalimentam fomentando bases mais sólidas para a busca desse fim, eles ainda são marcados por graves imperfeições e fragilidades. Com o intuito de compreender mais adequadamente os obstáculos enfrentados para o aprimoramento e pleno funcionamento do aparato jurídico desenvolvido em torno dessa problemática, a pesquisa é complementada pela análise de questões atinentes às Relações Internacionais, por meio da utilização de diversas referências bibliográficas e análise de contextos políticos específicos, possibilitando melhor compreensão de como os elementos políticos interferem para a plena consecução das normas estabelecidas internacionalmente. Essa compreensão é essencial para possibilitar passos adicionais na busca do banimento completo das armas nucleares. / This dissertation discusses nuclear disarmament in an attempt to understand the dynamics by which it operates internationally. Limiting its scope to the nuclear issue makes it possible to describe the existing legal and institutional apparatus required to forgo nuclear weapons and, at the same time, identify what are and how behave the obstacles posed against its accomplishment. The research uses as its initial reference Immanuel Kants essay Perpetual Peace, particularly its propositions about overcome shortcomings of the present by means of an evolution guided by morals and reason. Kant establishes foundations that can be useful to gradually strengthen the means to bring about full nuclear disarmament. Thus, this research contextualizes the emergence of nuclear weapons and the ascent of the nuclear age, seeking to assess to what extent these weapons are deleterious to a peaceful international environment. The central part of the dissertation is a detailed evaluation of the international treaties, conventions, organisms, resolutions and judicial decisions related to nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, which allows to verify a gradual evolution similar to the one conceived by Kant in order to obtain Perpetual Peace. Despite these developments can be interpreted as concrete steps towards the nuclear disarmament goal, they are still imperfect and fragile. Aiming to understand properly what are the obstacles against theirs full effectiveness, it was also developed an analysis regarding international relations and politics, basing upon relevant authors and specific political backgrounds, allowing a better comprehension of the interferences presented against the total accomplishment of the international norms. This understanding is essential to allow additional steps in pursuit of the complete proscription of nuclear weapons.

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / This thesis attempts to assess the role Africa has played to further the humanitarian approach to nuclear weapons disarmament. Particular focus is on the Pelindaba Treaty and whether it has been able to strengthen the call for disarmament based on the humanitarian approach. The findings of this research are that the Pelindaba treaty did contribute indirectly to the strengthening of the humanitarian initiative of nuclear weapons disarmament because the Treaty serves as an important contribution towards the achievement of a world without nuclear weapons, which is the key objective of the humanitarian initiative of nuclear weapons disarmament. In addition, the Pelindaba Treaty has also contributed in strengthening the call for overall nuclear disarmament. This is the case as 53 states signed the treaty to rid the continent of nuclear weapons and any direct threats associated with those weapons. In so doing, it has contributed greatly to disarmament efforts. A nuclear weapons free zone across the continent is a powerful statement about the desire for a nuclear free world. It has provided African states with a foundation for engaging in the humanitarian initiative, as it led to some standardisation of statements/positions. Also, since the inception of the humanitarian approach to disarmament, African states have contributed greatly to the initiative. In terms of numbers, in the three conferences on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons use that have taken place between 2013 and 2014 (in Oslo, Nayarit and Vienna), it was witnessed that the number of participating African states increased from 34 in the first meeting to 45 in the last meeting. This alone indicates the determination and commitment by these African states to the initiative. Conclusively, this research determined that the Pelindaba Treaty and efforts of African states in general have contributed towards strengthening the call for not only the humanitarian initiative to nuclear weapons disarmament but also to disarmament overall.

Nuclear deterrence is born from the two superpowers’ relations during the Cold War as they were the first countries to get nuclear weapons and they were the main and most powerful rivals in the world. Then new actors joined the game by testing their own nuclear bombs: the UK in 1952, followed by France in 1960, China in 1964, India in 1974, and Pakistan in 1998. Israel pretends it does not have any nuclear weapons but it is an open secret that they do 1. France helped Israel to get its weapons and the nuclear explosion in 1979 off the southern coast of Africa probably involved Israel and South Africa (sourced by the Federation of American Scientists, the Wisconsin Project on Arms Control, the Center for Defense Information, etc.). This was confirmed by Mordechai Vanunu, former Israeli scientist who worked on developing the bomb. The intrusion of new nuclear countries frightened the United States and the USSR because the balance was already fragile and newcomers could break it. Would the game remain "safe" with more players? Therefore in 1968 both countries drafted a treaty to prevent nuclear proliferation. The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) came into force in 1970, at a time when five countries had successfully achieved a nuclear explosion. The NPT officially recognises only these five countries as nuclear-weapons states. They happen to be also the five permanent member states of the UN Security Council. India and Pakistan carried out a nuclear test after 1968 and are therefore referred to as non-official nuclearweapons states. The new nuclear states adopted and adapted the nuclear doctrine to their needs, their geopolitical interests and their place in international relations.

Nuclear weapons remain salient to international security and stability given their continued existence within the strategic context of interstate relations, as well as their continued proliferation to state actors and potentially to non-state actors. Since the end of the Cold War, the U.S. and Russia have dramatically reduced their nuclear arsenals; however, the U.S and Russia today still have the large majority of the world's nuclear inventory, with thousands of nuclear weapons each and plans to maintain these large stockpiles. The central question of this study is-how does one reconcile the size and continued existence of the U.S. nuclear arsenal with U.S. nonproliferation policy and the U.S. commitment to pursue nuclear disarmament? This study's primary argument is that a nuclear-armed state can craft a weapons policy involving nuclear posture and force structure that balances the requirements of nuclear deterrence with nuclear nonproliferation objectives and eventual nuclear disarmament, and that the U.S. has imperfectly pursued such a balanced nuclear weapons policy since the end of the Cold War. This study's primary policy recommendations are that the U.S. nuclear arsenal can be reduced further and the U.S. can modify its nuclear posture to limit the role of nuclear weapons; such nuclear weapons policy changes that limit the mission and size of U.S. nuclear forces would demonstrate genuine commitment to nuclear nonproliferation and progress towards nuclear disarmament, while also maintaining a strategic deterrence capability for the foreseeable future. The pursuit of a balanced nuclear weapons policy will allow the U.S. to function as a genuine actor to positively influence the international nuclear environment towards a potentially nuclear-free world. Ultimately, global nuclear disarmament will likely require major developments within the international system, including the solving of the world's major security issues.

Currently, there is little research on other countries' defence policies in Swedish. This essay will hopefully provide you with an interest in examining other countries' defence policies. The focus will be on Finland, Sweden's neighbour. Considering that Finland and Sweden are both members of the Nordic Council and strive for prosperity in the Nordic region, we should know more about our neighbours. Finnish defence policy reports are published every four or five years. This essay contains two of those reports from 2001 and 2017. The purpose of this essay is to find similarities and differences between the reports, but also to relate the reports to the theories, realism and liberalism. The theoretical analysis examines four different subjects where realism and liberalism will be discussed: International cooperation, rearmament, disarmament, and threat.  This analysis showed that Finland shows a lot of differences between the two reports. There are differences between all the subjects that are observed and the way the reports are written differs as well. The theories also shift a lot between the reports and that is concluded in the essay's conclusion. Suggestions about future research are included in the essay's discussion.

Dissertation Title: Transforming Violent Masculinities: Nigeria's Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Programme in the Niger Delta Abstract Gender mainstream in security studies has been erroneously equated with the introduction of women in security practices. Hence, gender analysis of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programmes have largely underestimated the importance of also considering men's gender identity. Breaking this pattern, this dissertation examines the ability of the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration approach adopted in the Niger Delta to change or consolidate violent masculinities among ex-combatants. The selected case study is of special relevance to the topic at hand since the conflict in the Niger Delta has been partly attributed to the constructions of masculinity that prevail in this Nigerian region. Following previous research in the field of critical masculinities and feminist peacebuilding, the paper reveals that the transformative potential of the Presidential Amnesty Programme is extremely limited, exclusively offering a way of expressing positive masculinities as part of the economy. This is the result of the Nigerian government's decision to adopt a minimalist approach to DDR that pays full attention to ex-combatants as individuals rather...

In recent years, the views on youth in post-conflict societies has started to move away from stereotypes of youth acting predominantly as perpetrators of violence, towards a perspective underlining their positive participation in peace building. This study further challenges stereotypes of young peoples’ negative impact in post-conflict scenarios and aims to shed light on young ex-combatants’ role in peacebuilding while transitioning into civilian life. The study conducted twelve in-depth field interviews with young ex-combatants who joined the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) when they were eight to twenty years old.  The interviews conducted two years after disarmament suggest that respondents consider their role in peacebuilding as crucial in sustaining the peace process. Moreover, they see political participation with equal conditions as necessary to achieve social justice in Colombia.

Student Number : 0513998G - MA research report - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / This study aimed to investigate how specific needs of the Rwandan child combatants who fought in the Great Lakes Region are being addressed in the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) processes. Data collected by the use of semistructured interviews of demobilised child combatants and key informants revealed that many children were recruited after being orphaned, separated from parents, or because of their search for physical and psychological security which was threatened by war and its immediate effects. Further, it was found that child combatants experienced harsh living conditions in the bush due to both the nature of their work as combatants and their physical and mental immaturity. As far as the DDR processes are concerned, the study revealed many weaknesses in addressing the specific needs of child combatants at least until January 2004. However, there has been a significant positive shift in dealing with the same needs since then. The absence of female child combatants in the DDR process was noted. This research concludes with a number of recommendations for both future interventions and further research.

After the Cold War ended, the process of nuclear disarmament began to stagnate and in recent years there are signs of backsliding. Efforts to revive the disarmament regime over decades culminated with the drafting and ratification of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in 2017 and 2021 respectively, much to the dismay of nuclear weapons states. The U.S., Britain, and France have declared their dismissal of the treaty while subscribing to the disarmament regime as established by the Non-proliferation Treaty of 1970.  The Western nuclear powers typically channel their opposition through NATO, and this thesis will first look at NATO’s legal arguments and as the strategy of nuclear deterrence which is fundamental to their defensive strategy. I will then investigate NATO discourse as it pertains to nuclear weapon strategy as a constituent of its subjectivity and intentionality. In other words, what it is like to “be” NATO, and in so doing understand why it acts in opposition to a goal it already pursues.  This is relevant to IR in that it explores an alterative manner in which to understand social structures while adhering to research designs typically ascribes to the “lower” unit of analysis of individuals.