The objective of this thesis on the paid feminized domestic work is to describe the two current forms of employment of the live-inside maids and the live-outside domestic workers of paid domestic work in Lima Peru. The live-inside employment, cama adentro is the traditional form of maids living inside the household, and secondly, the live-outside employment, cama afuera, describes the working woman as an independent worker who lives outside the household. By focusing on the two forms of employment in the 1970s, the 2010s and the 2020s, this study aims to describe the changes on the urban labor market wherein 95% are women and almost 87% have informal employment. The feminized domestic work and the women domestic workers are objects of devaluation and subjects of discrimination. The critical case in this study is to understand the impact of informality and the informal working conditions. Vulnerability and precariousness are concepts frequently used in the current debate and research which describes the feminized remunerated domestic work as a forced labor. Who are the domestic working women, and how do they describe their work and life situation? What are the preferences or the facts of the persisting informality in the domestic labor sector that still have a great impact on the work situation as well as the women’s life situation? By considering women’s right to decent occupation this study also focuses on female empowerment, autonomy, economic independence in the urban domestic sector with influence from the market-oriented labor market in Lima. This case study is grounded in feminist care economy theory and Pierre Bourdieu’s human capital theory.

This dissertation turns to recent feminist history of the 1980s to consider feminism’s relationship to class, economics, and labour. Challenging the idea that feminism is an inclusive project, I look at how feminist ideology produces commonsense forms of racism, classism, and sexual normativity. To demonstrate this argument, I evaluate two important moments in 1980s Canadian feminism: the development of feminist political economy and the debates of the feminist sex wars. In tracing the ways in which these histories unfold to value some feminist subjects more than others, I show how feminist narratives appear cohesive through quotidian practices of exclusion. I claim that the resistance of marginalized subjects is integral to these narratives, particularly when this resistance has been made to appear invisible or absent. I first turn to feminist political economy to show how a white feminist discourse about gendered domestic labour emerged while simultaneously omitting analyses of the experiences of women of colour and migrant domestic labourers. This white feminist discourse is imbued with commonsense racism, and imagines migrant domestic workers as located elsewhere to feminism. Subsequently, I examine how the feminist sex wars pursued a line of inquiry into sexuality that privileged a framework of danger. Feminist theorizing of violence against women as intrinsic to prostitution and pornography had dire consequences for understanding sex work and the diverse women employed in the industry. In promoting a white, middle-class perspective on sexuality, feminists appropriated sex workers’ experiences of violence and sought state support for abolishing commercial sexuality, in turn contributing to the heightened state surveillance of sexual minorities. In looking to and for marginalized women’s experiences within an archive of women’s publishing, this project insists on the integral place of sex workers and migrant domestic workers within Canadian feminist labour histories. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / What is feminist labour history, and whom does it include? In a study of feminist periodicals published during the 1980s, I consider how feminist writing contributes to the project of women’s liberation. In particular, I explore debates between feminists over race, class, and sexuality. I claim that feminist periodicals offer a window into the ideas animating feminists in the 1980s, and document the ways in which women’s household labour, paid domestic work, prostitution, and pornography were taken up—or ignored—by feminists. I show how everyday practices of race, class, and sexual supremacy have created narratives where white, middle-class women’s experiences appropriate and stand in for diverse feminist histories.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ruth Olivier Moreira Manus.pdf: 1409871 bytes, checksum: d11a1d0fae8b5afaab09aa2aa3f9bfdc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-28 / According to recent data from the International Labour Organisation, Brazil is the country with the highest number of domestic workers in the world. This fact makes the Organization to deliver a special look to Brazil about this issue. Recently approved, the Brazilian Constitutional Amendment No. 72/2013 expands the list of rights of domestic workers in the country. Therefore, this research analyses if this new Brazilian protection law suits the guidelines of the International Labour Organization, especially in regard to the content of Convention 189 and Recommendation 201, which have not yet been ratified by Brazil. This research situates the real dimension of the extension of international protection in order to deliver a critical analysis of the Constitutional Amendment adopted by Brazil. Also, it seeks to understand how Brazil, a developing country with a historical culture of slavery, can walk towards a fair and appropriate protection towards these workers / O Brasil é o país do mundo que mais concentra trabalhadores domésticos, de acordo com dados recentes da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT). Esse fato faz com que a Organização dispense um olhar especial ao Brasil, no que tange ao referido tema. Recentemente, foi aprovada a Emenda Constitucional n. 72/2013, ampliando o rol de direitos de tais trabalhadores em território brasileiro. Ante a essa perspectiva, analisa-se, neste presente estudo, se essa proteção se adequa às diretrizes da OIT, especialmente no que diz respeito ao teor da Convenção 189 e da Recomendação 201, que ainda não foram ratificadas no Brasil. Situa-se, com isso, a real dimensão da extensão da proteção internacional por meio de uma compilação que tem como base uma análise crítica da alteração constitucional aprovada em nosso País. Trata-se, portanto, de pesquisa que busca entender como o Brasil, país em desenvolvimento e de cultura escravocrata, pode caminhar na direção de uma proteção que seja, para essa parcela da população, justa e adequada

A proposta desta tese é estudar o trabalho doméstico remunerado e/ou realizado na casa de terceiros como um objeto temporal. Por meio de uma etnografia da duração (Eckert e Rocha, 2013), pautada no tempo plural e lacunar, junto à imaginação criativa, priorizamos as narrativas biográficas e trajetórias sociais de trabalhadoras domésticas, mas também imagens relativas ao trabalho advindas de outros suportes como fotografias, vídeos, reportagens e relatos de empregadores que constituem o jogo de memórias das entrevistadas e da própria pesquisadora. Durante o processo de proposição e efetivação da pesquisa (2012 a 2016), ocorreram mudanças impactantes no que diz respeito a regulamentação do trabalho doméstico no Brasil, mas também no quadro mais global a partir da Convenção 189 e da Recomendação 201 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho – OIT (2011). Em 2012 foi aprovada a Proposta de Emenda Constitucional 66, mas conhecida como a “PEC das Domésticas”, seguida da Emenda Constitucional 72/2013, até a Lei Complementar 150/2015 e a ratificação da convenção pela presidenta Dilma Rousseff em abril de 2016. Estes dispositivos visam equiparar os direitos das domésticas com os demais trabalhadores urbanos, além de garantir um trabalho decente para a categoria, incluindo estabilidade, segurança e organização sindical Contudo, além de transformações nos empregos, as novas regulamentações têm causado conflitos e estranhamentos nas relações que envolvem este trabalho bastante frequente e observado no Brasil, pelo menos, desde o regime escravocrata. Dentre os argumentos mais alardeados na mídia e contrário aos novos direitos está a ameaça de que devido ao maior custo: As domésticas vão acabar! Posto que os patrões não teriam condições de pagar os serviços e as trabalhadoras não encontrariam outro emprego causando um grande problema social. Discutindo as configurações do emprego doméstico em três cidades brasileiras: Belém/PA, Porto Alegre/RS e Salvador/BA, a partir de diferentes ângulos e dimensões através de uma etnografia multi-situada, em tempos e espaços distintos, salientamos os argumentos contrários e favoráveis a tal assertiva, levando em consideração a interseccionalidade de raça, gênero e classe que engendram este trabalho, ancoradas no racismo estrutural que sustenta e dá sentido a presença do trabalho doméstico remunerado e/ou realizado na casa de terceiros na contemporaneidade brasileira. / The proposal of this thesis is to study the paid domestic work and/or held at a third house as a temporality object. By means of an ethnography of duration (Eckert and Rocha, 2013), marked in the plural and lacunar time, next to creative imagination, we prioritize the biographical narratives and social trajectories of domestic workers, but also work-related images coming from other medias such as photographs, videos, reports and narratives of employers that make the game of memories of the interviewed and even the researcher. During the proposal process and completion of research (2012 to 2016), impactful changes occurred as regards the regulation of domestic work in Brazil but also, more in the global framework from the Convention 189 and Recommendation 201 of the International Labor Organization-ILO (2011). In 2012 was approved the Proposed Constitutional Amendment 66, but known as the "PEC of domestic", followed by the Constitutional Amendment 72/2013, until the Complementary Law 150/2015 and ratification of the convention by the President Dilma Rousseff in April, 2016. These devices are intended to equate the rights of domestic with the other urban workers, in addition to ensuring decent work for the category, including stability, security and trade union organization However, in addition to changes in jobs, the new regulations have caused conflicts and unfamiliarity in relations of this work quite often observed in Brazil, at least, since the slave regime. Therefore, among the arguments most publicized in the media and against the new rights, is the threat that due to higher cost: the maids will end! Since the bosses would not afford the services and the workers would not find other employment, causing a major social problem. Discussing domestic job settings in three Brazilian cities: Belém (Pará), Porto Alegre (Rio Grande do Sul) and Salvador (Bahia), from different angles and dimensions through Ethnography multi-situated, in different spaces and times. We emphasize the pros and cons arguments of such assertive, taking into consideration the intersectionality of race, gender, and class that engenders this work, anchored in the structural racism that underpins and gives meaning to the presence of paid domestic work and/or held at third house on Brazilian contemporaneity.

Since the 1980s, practically all of the western welfare states have developed social policies, which aim at shifting the responsibilities for welfare services from the state to the family, the civil society or to the market. In Sweden, this political transformation has particularly hit the public eldercare. In the last twenty years, the percentage of the population 65 years and older receiving public home help services in Sweden has decreased from 23 to 8 per cent at the same time as the number of beds in hospitalized eldercare has been heavily reduced. Moreover, during the course of the 2000s, the majority of the Swedish municipalities have reintroduced means testing of the eldercare based on whether the elderly have relatives or not that can perform the services. Parallel with these downsizes in the publicly financed and organized eldercare; privately produced eldercare services have increased, carried out by large and internationally own business corporations. Based on an theoretical framework, which combines the historical approach within the neo-institutional research tradition with a discursive method of analysis, this thesis explores if the period from the 1980s and onwards has been a formative moment in Swedish eldercare during which new ideas have become embedded in the institutional frameworks regulating the division of responsibility for eldercare services between the state, the family and the market. To examine if and how the municipalities, which are principally responsible for organizing and financing the public eldercare in Sweden, have implemented the change in ideas that have emerged in national politics since the 1980s, the thesis also examines how the eldercare has developed in two of Sweden’s municipalities since the 1980s. The results of the thesis demonstrates that the period from the 1980s and onwards has been a formative moment in the Swedish eldercare during which new ideas regarding the public responsibility for eldercare service have emerged and become institutionalized. Since the 1980s, senior citizens’ need for care has increasingly been re-interpreted from a public to a private issue with the consequence that today, their need for certain services, in particular those related to housework, are no longer regarded to be a public responsibility but a private matter that the elderly will have to solve, either by buying the services on the market, or, by asking relatives for help and assistance. The main problem connected with this reprivatization of senior citizens’ need for care is, however, that as the state has withdrawn its responsibility, women, in their role of being wives, daughters, or daughters-in-laws, have been forced to step in as informal and unpaid providers of care. Therefore, regardless of political reigns and modes of production, women have been forced to taken on an increasingly larger responsibility for their elderly relatives.

This thesis explores the symbolic place occupied by a racialized neighbourhood within the Uruguayan national imaginary. I study the conventillos (tenement buildings) of two traditionally Afro-Uruguayan neighbourhoods in Montevideo, Barrio Sur and Palermo. These neighbourhoods are considered the cradle of Afro-Uruguayan culture and identity. The conventillos have been immortalized in paintings, souvenirs, songs, and books. Over the years most of the residents were evicted due to demolitions, which peaked during Uruguay’s military dictatorship (1973-1984). I address the paradox of how a community can be materially marginalized, yet symbolically celebrated, a process that is evident in other American nations (Brazil, Colombia, etc.). I show how race, class, and gender are entangled in folkloric depictions of the conventillo to constitute a limited notion of blackness that naturalizes the relationship between Afro-Uruguayans, music, sexuality, and domestic work. The folklorization of the space and it residents is shown to be a “fetishization” which enhances the whiteness of the national identity, while confining the parameters of black citizenship and belonging. Utilizing a methodology that draws on cultural geography, critical race, postcolonial, and feminist theory, my dissertation analyzes the various ways that the Barrio Sur/Palermo conventillo has been imagined, represented, and experienced. Specifically, I examine 1) autobiographical, literary and popular (media, songs) narratives about these neighbourhoods; 2) the depiction of the conventillo by a prominent artist (Carlos Páez Vilaró); 3) spatial practices; 4) the performance of a dancer who emerged from the conventillo to become a national icon (the Carnival vedette Rosa Luna); and 5) interviews with nine key informants. My analysis focuses on how bodies, subjects, and national belonging are constituted through relations to particular spaces. By foregrounding the “geographies of identity” (Radcliffe and Westwood, 1996, p. 27), I show that the symbolic celebration of black space goes hand in hand with material disavowal. This study thus connects the imagining of a local, racialized space to how national belonging is constituted and experienced.

This thesis explores the symbolic place occupied by a racialized neighbourhood within the Uruguayan national imaginary. I study the conventillos (tenement buildings) of two traditionally Afro-Uruguayan neighbourhoods in Montevideo, Barrio Sur and Palermo. These neighbourhoods are considered the cradle of Afro-Uruguayan culture and identity. The conventillos have been immortalized in paintings, souvenirs, songs, and books. Over the years most of the residents were evicted due to demolitions, which peaked during Uruguay’s military dictatorship (1973-1984). I address the paradox of how a community can be materially marginalized, yet symbolically celebrated, a process that is evident in other American nations (Brazil, Colombia, etc.). I show how race, class, and gender are entangled in folkloric depictions of the conventillo to constitute a limited notion of blackness that naturalizes the relationship between Afro-Uruguayans, music, sexuality, and domestic work. The folklorization of the space and it residents is shown to be a “fetishization” which enhances the whiteness of the national identity, while confining the parameters of black citizenship and belonging. Utilizing a methodology that draws on cultural geography, critical race, postcolonial, and feminist theory, my dissertation analyzes the various ways that the Barrio Sur/Palermo conventillo has been imagined, represented, and experienced. Specifically, I examine 1) autobiographical, literary and popular (media, songs) narratives about these neighbourhoods; 2) the depiction of the conventillo by a prominent artist (Carlos Páez Vilaró); 3) spatial practices; 4) the performance of a dancer who emerged from the conventillo to become a national icon (the Carnival vedette Rosa Luna); and 5) interviews with nine key informants. My analysis focuses on how bodies, subjects, and national belonging are constituted through relations to particular spaces. By foregrounding the “geographies of identity” (Radcliffe and Westwood, 1996, p. 27), I show that the symbolic celebration of black space goes hand in hand with material disavowal. This study thus connects the imagining of a local, racialized space to how national belonging is constituted and experienced.

A proposta desta tese é estudar o trabalho doméstico remunerado e/ou realizado na casa de terceiros como um objeto temporal. Por meio de uma etnografia da duração (Eckert e Rocha, 2013), pautada no tempo plural e lacunar, junto à imaginação criativa, priorizamos as narrativas biográficas e trajetórias sociais de trabalhadoras domésticas, mas também imagens relativas ao trabalho advindas de outros suportes como fotografias, vídeos, reportagens e relatos de empregadores que constituem o jogo de memórias das entrevistadas e da própria pesquisadora. Durante o processo de proposição e efetivação da pesquisa (2012 a 2016), ocorreram mudanças impactantes no que diz respeito a regulamentação do trabalho doméstico no Brasil, mas também no quadro mais global a partir da Convenção 189 e da Recomendação 201 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho – OIT (2011). Em 2012 foi aprovada a Proposta de Emenda Constitucional 66, mas conhecida como a “PEC das Domésticas”, seguida da Emenda Constitucional 72/2013, até a Lei Complementar 150/2015 e a ratificação da convenção pela presidenta Dilma Rousseff em abril de 2016. Estes dispositivos visam equiparar os direitos das domésticas com os demais trabalhadores urbanos, além de garantir um trabalho decente para a categoria, incluindo estabilidade, segurança e organização sindical Contudo, além de transformações nos empregos, as novas regulamentações têm causado conflitos e estranhamentos nas relações que envolvem este trabalho bastante frequente e observado no Brasil, pelo menos, desde o regime escravocrata. Dentre os argumentos mais alardeados na mídia e contrário aos novos direitos está a ameaça de que devido ao maior custo: As domésticas vão acabar! Posto que os patrões não teriam condições de pagar os serviços e as trabalhadoras não encontrariam outro emprego causando um grande problema social. Discutindo as configurações do emprego doméstico em três cidades brasileiras: Belém/PA, Porto Alegre/RS e Salvador/BA, a partir de diferentes ângulos e dimensões através de uma etnografia multi-situada, em tempos e espaços distintos, salientamos os argumentos contrários e favoráveis a tal assertiva, levando em consideração a interseccionalidade de raça, gênero e classe que engendram este trabalho, ancoradas no racismo estrutural que sustenta e dá sentido a presença do trabalho doméstico remunerado e/ou realizado na casa de terceiros na contemporaneidade brasileira. / The proposal of this thesis is to study the paid domestic work and/or held at a third house as a temporality object. By means of an ethnography of duration (Eckert and Rocha, 2013), marked in the plural and lacunar time, next to creative imagination, we prioritize the biographical narratives and social trajectories of domestic workers, but also work-related images coming from other medias such as photographs, videos, reports and narratives of employers that make the game of memories of the interviewed and even the researcher. During the proposal process and completion of research (2012 to 2016), impactful changes occurred as regards the regulation of domestic work in Brazil but also, more in the global framework from the Convention 189 and Recommendation 201 of the International Labor Organization-ILO (2011). In 2012 was approved the Proposed Constitutional Amendment 66, but known as the "PEC of domestic", followed by the Constitutional Amendment 72/2013, until the Complementary Law 150/2015 and ratification of the convention by the President Dilma Rousseff in April, 2016. These devices are intended to equate the rights of domestic with the other urban workers, in addition to ensuring decent work for the category, including stability, security and trade union organization However, in addition to changes in jobs, the new regulations have caused conflicts and unfamiliarity in relations of this work quite often observed in Brazil, at least, since the slave regime. Therefore, among the arguments most publicized in the media and against the new rights, is the threat that due to higher cost: the maids will end! Since the bosses would not afford the services and the workers would not find other employment, causing a major social problem. Discussing domestic job settings in three Brazilian cities: Belém (Pará), Porto Alegre (Rio Grande do Sul) and Salvador (Bahia), from different angles and dimensions through Ethnography multi-situated, in different spaces and times. We emphasize the pros and cons arguments of such assertive, taking into consideration the intersectionality of race, gender, and class that engenders this work, anchored in the structural racism that underpins and gives meaning to the presence of paid domestic work and/or held at third house on Brazilian contemporaneity.

A proposta desta tese é estudar o trabalho doméstico remunerado e/ou realizado na casa de terceiros como um objeto temporal. Por meio de uma etnografia da duração (Eckert e Rocha, 2013), pautada no tempo plural e lacunar, junto à imaginação criativa, priorizamos as narrativas biográficas e trajetórias sociais de trabalhadoras domésticas, mas também imagens relativas ao trabalho advindas de outros suportes como fotografias, vídeos, reportagens e relatos de empregadores que constituem o jogo de memórias das entrevistadas e da própria pesquisadora. Durante o processo de proposição e efetivação da pesquisa (2012 a 2016), ocorreram mudanças impactantes no que diz respeito a regulamentação do trabalho doméstico no Brasil, mas também no quadro mais global a partir da Convenção 189 e da Recomendação 201 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho – OIT (2011). Em 2012 foi aprovada a Proposta de Emenda Constitucional 66, mas conhecida como a “PEC das Domésticas”, seguida da Emenda Constitucional 72/2013, até a Lei Complementar 150/2015 e a ratificação da convenção pela presidenta Dilma Rousseff em abril de 2016. Estes dispositivos visam equiparar os direitos das domésticas com os demais trabalhadores urbanos, além de garantir um trabalho decente para a categoria, incluindo estabilidade, segurança e organização sindical Contudo, além de transformações nos empregos, as novas regulamentações têm causado conflitos e estranhamentos nas relações que envolvem este trabalho bastante frequente e observado no Brasil, pelo menos, desde o regime escravocrata. Dentre os argumentos mais alardeados na mídia e contrário aos novos direitos está a ameaça de que devido ao maior custo: As domésticas vão acabar! Posto que os patrões não teriam condições de pagar os serviços e as trabalhadoras não encontrariam outro emprego causando um grande problema social. Discutindo as configurações do emprego doméstico em três cidades brasileiras: Belém/PA, Porto Alegre/RS e Salvador/BA, a partir de diferentes ângulos e dimensões através de uma etnografia multi-situada, em tempos e espaços distintos, salientamos os argumentos contrários e favoráveis a tal assertiva, levando em consideração a interseccionalidade de raça, gênero e classe que engendram este trabalho, ancoradas no racismo estrutural que sustenta e dá sentido a presença do trabalho doméstico remunerado e/ou realizado na casa de terceiros na contemporaneidade brasileira. / The proposal of this thesis is to study the paid domestic work and/or held at a third house as a temporality object. By means of an ethnography of duration (Eckert and Rocha, 2013), marked in the plural and lacunar time, next to creative imagination, we prioritize the biographical narratives and social trajectories of domestic workers, but also work-related images coming from other medias such as photographs, videos, reports and narratives of employers that make the game of memories of the interviewed and even the researcher. During the proposal process and completion of research (2012 to 2016), impactful changes occurred as regards the regulation of domestic work in Brazil but also, more in the global framework from the Convention 189 and Recommendation 201 of the International Labor Organization-ILO (2011). In 2012 was approved the Proposed Constitutional Amendment 66, but known as the "PEC of domestic", followed by the Constitutional Amendment 72/2013, until the Complementary Law 150/2015 and ratification of the convention by the President Dilma Rousseff in April, 2016. These devices are intended to equate the rights of domestic with the other urban workers, in addition to ensuring decent work for the category, including stability, security and trade union organization However, in addition to changes in jobs, the new regulations have caused conflicts and unfamiliarity in relations of this work quite often observed in Brazil, at least, since the slave regime. Therefore, among the arguments most publicized in the media and against the new rights, is the threat that due to higher cost: the maids will end! Since the bosses would not afford the services and the workers would not find other employment, causing a major social problem. Discussing domestic job settings in three Brazilian cities: Belém (Pará), Porto Alegre (Rio Grande do Sul) and Salvador (Bahia), from different angles and dimensions through Ethnography multi-situated, in different spaces and times. We emphasize the pros and cons arguments of such assertive, taking into consideration the intersectionality of race, gender, and class that engenders this work, anchored in the structural racism that underpins and gives meaning to the presence of paid domestic work and/or held at third house on Brazilian contemporaneity.

La problématique de cette thèse est celle de la formalisation du travail domestique. Au-delà de la mise en œuvre de la politique des titres-services, cette thèse ouvre le questionnement sur les possibilités et le limites de la professionnalisation d’une quelconque politique pour le travail domestique. Sur base de notre recherche qualitative, trois constats inédits émanent de nos résultats.Le premier constat inédit émerge de l’étude de la politique des titres-services et de sa mise en œuvre en Région bruxelloise. Celle-ci a montré que les entreprises agréées en titres-services ne veulent pas embaucher des chercheures d’emploi de longue durée, qu’elles associent aux "Belges" et au manque de motivation à travailler dans le secteur. Les entreprises cherchent principalement à engager des travailleuses migrantes avec expérience sur le marché au noir et qui, de préférence, amènent leur clientèle avec elles. Ces travailleuses sont plus autonomes et exigent très peu de travail de la part des entreprises de titres-services. Cette préférence de recrutement des entreprises agréées va jusqu’à mettre en place des pratiques d’évitement des circuits officiels d’offre d’emploi. Ce constat fait ressortir en outre l’importance des liens ethniques dans la formation du marché du travail domestique formel. Le deuxième constat inédit est le rôle de la régularité de séjour comme déterminant pour l’accès à une vraie transformation identitaire et l’émancipation des travailleuses domestiques migrantes, en opposition à l’accès à un travail formel. Être "migrante sans papiers" et les conséquences de ce (manque de) statut dans les sociétés d’accueil ont déjà été décrites par plusieurs auteurs (Andall 2000; Anderson 2000; Parreñas 2001; Lutz 2011; Ambrosini 2012; Schwenken & Heimeshoff 2013). Nos analyses démontrent, par la situation contraire du passage à la régularité de séjour et à la formalité du travail, que l’entrée dans le travail formel est incapable d’amener seule une vraie transformation identitaire. Ainsi, si du point de vue statutaire les travailleuses en titres-services ont expérimenté un type de reconnaissance par la fiche de paie, les droits sociaux et un salaire direct et indirect, leur vie dans les faits n’a pas été changée et elles continuent à travailler aux mêmes endroits dans des conditions similaires. Et surtout, elles continuent à être vues de la même manière par elles-mêmes, par leurs employeuses devenues clientes et par la société. Enfin, l’opportunité d’un marché du travail formel est insuffisante pour résoudre la question de l’empowerment des travailleuses migrantes et de l’accomplissement de la professionnalisation – un processus en cours mais qui n’avance que lentement.Le troisième constat inédit de cette thèse est l’évidence que le règlement des titres-services et la logique qui structure cette politique ne favorisent ni la qualité d’emploi ni la valorisation de la profession, pour plusieurs raisons, entre autres la libre concurrence de ce quasi-marché, le fait que les travailleuses sont des salariées "entrepreneures d’elles-mêmes" et le manque de responsabilisation des clientes. / This PhD investigates the transition of the domestic work market in Brussels to formalization through the implementation of the housework voucher policy by the Belgian government in 2004 (the “titres-services” policy).Now existing for about ten years, one can say that the voucher policy has been a success in bringing from the shadow to formal market many domestic work employers and workers. In terms of valorization of paid domestic work, however, changes were meagre: if the housework voucher opens to domestic workers the possibility to access a formal job and its related social rights, domestic work in Brussels is still not attractive enough for nationals and is dominated by mainly newly arrived migrant women. The fact the work is formal does not change the image of the job as a ‘dirty work’. The main beneficiaries of the policy are, in fine, middle or upper classes, which can achieve work/life balance by meeting their demand of housework services at a much lower price than they used to pay in the informal sector.This PhD brings up three new results.Firstly, authorized voucher service companies avoid hiring job-seekers, although job creation is one of the policy goals. Companies prefer to hire workers that were previously in the informal domestic work market, as they consider these workers are used to the job, motivated and often bring their clients with them.Secondly, the migrant status of domestic workers switching to the formal market appears as a decisive factor for them to experience a change in their identity as workers and citizens. The mere change from an informal labor market to a formal labor market is insufficient for the workers to challenge their (often low) self-esteem and to allow them empower themselves (Adjamago & Calvès 2012). Thirdly, this research brings evidence that the voucher service system fails to enhance job quality and to upgrade the domestic work sector. Among other factors, because of the livre market competition, voucher employees being “entrepreneurs without enterprise” (Granovetter 1995), and the lack of voucher clients’ responsibility within the policy. This PhD research shows that the commodification of domestic work in Brussels did not change the fact that domestic tasks are gendered as ‘women’s work’ and hence did not bring changes whereby couples share the tasks. Besides, voucher agency publicities and leaflets reflect this gendered norm, in focusing on woman’s choice to commodify domestic tasks and earn ‘quality time’ with her beloved ones or for herself.Finally, it points policymaking difficulties in bringing a specific job, historically informal and personalized, to the formal labor market. Policymaking cannot evade the question of who is doing the housework, and should therefore look at the interaction of care, gender and migration regimes. Otherwise, gender equality in the labor market will continue to be met only by middle and upper class, and only through domestic work outsourcing (to other women), perpetuating gender, class and 'race' dominating positions. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished