Ancré dans une perspective historique, ce mémoire cherche à mettre en application une relecture de la théorie wébérienne de la « rationalisation éthique » comme facteur explicatif de la reconfiguration moderne du rapport entretenu entre les individus et la religion. Un retour sur les changements survenus dans la pensée religieuse de la Renaissance — pensée mise en contraste avec la situation religieuse des populations du Moyen-Âge — permet de mettre en évidence le passage d’une religion syncrétique, ritualiste et imprégnée de magie, à un christianisme épuré, intériorisé et rationnel. L’étude de la pensée religieuse de l’humaniste Érasme de Rotterdam, pris comme « figure historique » porteuse de cette transformation, pointe vers la diffusion à la Renaissance d’un christianisme compris comme système philosophique compréhensif dépouillé de son caractère mystique. Cette diffusion d’un « esprit » chrétien, et l’importance accordée à la mise en œuvre d’une conduite de vie méthodique spécifiquement orientée vers le salut, participe au premier chef d’un processus de « quotidianisation » du charisme religieux, prélude essentiel, dans une perspective wébérienne, à la « rationalisation éthique » et à l’autonomisation de la sphère religieuse dans la vie sociale. / By way of a historical perspective, this masters thesis aims to reconsider the weberian “ethical rationalization” theory as an explanatory factor for the modern transformation of the relationship between individuals and religion. Reviewing the changes in Renaissance religious thought—and contrasting it with the Medieval religious context—enables us to uncover a shift from a syncretic and ritualized religion that is filled with magical elements, towards an uncluttered, internalized and rational Christianity. The focus on Erasmus of Rotterdam’s religious humanist thought—considered here as a “historical figure” and carrier of these transformations—brings light on how Christianity was stripped of its mystical aspects and came to be understood as a comprehensive philosophical system. The dissemination of such a Christian “spirit”, as well as the importance granted to a methodical way of life specifically oriented towards salvation, play a key role in the appearance of a “quotidian ritualization” of religious charisma, which is in itself, according to Weber, an essential preliminary to an “ethical rationalization” and thus to the “autonomization” of the religious sphere in the social life.

La contribution intellectuelle d’Érasme de Rotterdam (ca 1466-1536), en particulier dans les domaines exégétique, philologique et littéraire, a été décisive pour l’histoire des idées et l’évangélisme humaniste. Ses "Paraphrases sur le Nouveau Testament", visant principalement à clarifier le propos des saintes Écritures, représentent l’aboutissement de tout son travail exégétique. Davantage qu’un commentaire savant, elles ont contribué à diffuser la piété et le savoir biblique chez les laïcs, ce qui explique le franc succès qu’elles ont remporté au XVIe siècle. Toutefois, la question de leur réception et de leur diffusion en langue française reste encore peu explorée. La "Paraphrase sur l’épître de Paul aux Romains" a eu une importance toute particulière dans le contexte de la Réforme religieuse. Elle a été traduite du latin au français dans un manuscrit rédigé en 1526 par Hubert Kerssan, chanoine de Nivelles, dans le Brabant wallon. Destinée sans doute à un usage privé ou, du moins, à une diffusion plus restreinte, cette traduction est restée dans l’ombre jusqu’à aujourd’hui et son existence même est encore inconnue de la critique, d’où notre projet de la rendre accessible grâce à l’établissement d’une édition critique. Ce travail éditorial a été l’occasion d’étudier la traduction de Kerssan en regard du texte original, ce qui nous a permis de déterminer comment elle s’en distingue, de même que de réfléchir au choix du mode de diffusion manuscrit dans le contexte humaniste du XVIe siècle. Après près de cinq siècles, le manuscrit de Nivelles peut enfin acquérir une certaine visibilité. Il saura contribuer à l’étude de la réception et de la diffusion de la pensée érasmienne dans les milieux francophones en Europe ainsi qu’aux problèmes théologiques et culturels posés par l’œuvre d’Érasme. / The writings of Erasmus of Rotterdam (ca 1466-1536) contributed to many fields such as exegesis, philology and literature. They had a major influence on the history of ideas and on humanist evangelism. Overmore, the "Paraphrases on the New Testament", that were meant to clarify the meaning of Holy Scripture, represent the outcome of all the exegetic work of Erasmus. They participated even more than scholar commentaries to diffuse piety and biblical knowledge among lay people. This explains the great success they gained in the 16th century. The "Paraphrase on Paul’s letter to the Romans" had a special importance in the religious reform context. It was translated from latin language to french in a 1526 manuscript written by Hubert Kerssan, canon of the city of Nivelles, in the Walloon Brabant. Since this translation was probably intended for a private use or at least a limited diffusion, it is still unknown in the area of erasmian studies. For this reason, our project is to make the 1526 manuscript accessible by establishing a critical edition. While doing this editorial work, we compared Kerssan’s translation with Erasmus’ Paraphrase in latin in order to determine in which way it differs from the original. We also investigated the possible reasons it was not published in the humanist context of the 16th century. After five hundred years, the Nivelles manuscript can finally be diffused. We hope that this critical edition contributes to a better understanding the reception and diffusion of Erasmus’ philosophy in french speaking environment all around Europe, as well as to the study of theological and cultural issues that arises from his writings.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FIL - Sidnei Francisco do Nascimento.pdf: 683819 bytes, checksum: 99ae6b0ddf1844642e516e54710efb14 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-11-07 / The thesis presents the confrontation of ideas related to free will concept between Erasmus and Martin Luther in the Christian Humanism and Protestant Reform context. By on eh and, Erasmus admits the free will as a utilization of human will, in which, the human being can help for his own eternal salvation, or refuse it forever. To admit the possibility of human will get closer or to be along way off God, the Christian Humanist take in consideration the philosophies from late ancient times, for ins stance, the Platonic, the Stoicism and the Early Patristic. By other hand, the Luther s Theology breaks off with the Christian it y ratified by many authorities and councils, and it declares that the human nature, decayed and sinner, only can get the eternal salvation through suffering. According to the Reformer, the human will, perverted by original's in, just go es towards the evil / A tese apresenta o confronto de idéias referente à concepção de livre-arbítrio entre Erasmo e Lutero no contexto do Humanismo Cristão e da Reforma. De um lado, Erasmo admite o livre-arbítrio como o emprego da força da vontade humana pela qual o homem pode concorrer voluntariamente para salvação eterna, ou rejeitá-la para sempre. Para admitir a possibilidade da vontade de se aproximar, ou se distanciar de Deus, o Humanista Cristão retoma as filosofias presentes no final da Antigüidade, entre elas, a platônica, a estóica, e a patrística primitiva. De outro, a teologia de Lutero rompe com o cristianismo ratificado por tantas autoridades e concílios, e afirma que a natureza humana decaída e pecadora, só obterá a salvação eterna por meio do sofrimento. Para o Reformador a vontade humana, corrompida pelo pecado original, só delibera em direção ao mal

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T14:16:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sonia Bonduki.pdf: 1368571 bytes, checksum: 5c8014cd2991770ffe635484dc07c3a1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-11-04 / Erasmus Darwin (1731-1803) was a doctor, botanist, philosopher, inventor and poet. A closer look into his life and work unveils an active 18th-century English man of science, who had a significant role in the foundation of learned societies, such as Birmingham s Lunar Society. Mostly known in the present time as Charles Darwin and Francis Galton s grandfather, he was eventually attributed some anticipations of the former s ideas on evolution. However, Zoonomia was written to introduce the foundations of medical theory and practice to colleagues. According to Darwin, the laws of organic life corresponded to the operation of the faculties of the principle of motions, which he named as spirit of animation. Having resource to some of the ideas most prevalent in his time, he listed such faculties as being four: irritation, sensitivity, sensitivity, volition, and association. Consistently, in his nosology, Darwin applied Carl von Linné´s botanical taxonomy to those faculties to formulate a rational classification of disease, which could also serve as a therapeutic guide / Erasmus Darwin (1731-1803) foi médico, botânico, filósofo, inventor e poeta. Ao se estudar mais profundamente sua vida e sua obra, encontra-se um ativo homem de ciência na Inglaterra do século XVIII, tendo, inclusive, participado da fundação de sociedades de estudiosos, tais como a Lunar Society de Birmingham. Atualmente mais conhecido por ter sido o avô de Charles Darwin e Francis Galton, chegou-se, inclusive, a se atribuir a ele uma antecipação das ideias evolucionistas do primeiro. No entanto, Zoonomia é uma obra destinada a apresentar os fundamentos da teoria e da prática da medicina aos seus colegas. De acordo com Darwin, as leis da vida orgânica se resumem à operação das faculdades do princípio de movimento, que chama de espírito de animação e, com base nas ideias prevalentes na época, reduz à irritação, à sensação, à vontade e à associação. Na sua nosologia, aplica a taxonomia botânica de Carl Von Linné a essas faculdades, de modo a apresentar uma classificação racional das doenças que, ao mesmo tempo, serve como base à terapêutica

Linguistic diversity represents a real challenge for a harmonious coexistence in Europe and in today’s globalised world. Language learning has therefore become an undeniable asset of competitiveness in a multilingual European area, with 24 official European Union languages and more than 60 minority languages. This thesis hence focuses on language acquisition during the Erasmus Mundus student mobility program of Euroculture. Does Euroculture succeed in facilitating language learning, thus enabling social integration in the host countries? In order to analyse this issue, it is essential to address English as lingua franca and lingua academica, used in international higher education programs. Some the- ories have been developed on lingua franca and are useful to analyse the role English plays in the Euroculture program. Indeed, Nicholas Ostler’s argument on the end of Eng- lish as lingua franca in the future will be confronted with Louis Jean Calvet’s gravita- tional model of languages. Calvet’s model asserts the predominance of English as lingua franca, which could threaten multilingualism. This is what the study aims to assess. Eu- ropean linguistic policies and tools set up to improve plurilingualism are also explored in order to provide a comprehensive framework and to analyse whether the study findings reflect the recommendations of European policies. An empirical quantitative method con- sisting of 26 questions, submitted to Euroculture students and alumni, has been used to analyse the extent to which Euroculture facilitate language acquisition. The findings have shown that two main factors facilitate plurilingualism: the language courses offered at partner universities and students’ own decisions to integrate in the host countries through various factors are among the elements facilitating language acquisition. The research also revealed important barriers in the language learning process and the social integra- tion in host countries, namely the “Euroculture bubble” phenomenon, the predominance of English as lingua franca and barriers to access language courses.

<p>Syftet med den här uppsatsen har varit att reda ut vad en helig dåre är för någonting, hur fenomenet har påverkat kristendomen och litteraturen, främst i Ryssland och på Irland.</p><p>Jag har funnit att det är i det ortodoxa Ryssland som den heliga dårskapen har varit allra störst, och att flera av de mest älskade av de ryska helgonen tillhörde denna gren av Kristusdyrkan.</p><p>Vidare har heliga dårar funnits på Irland, dock i en något annorlunda gestalt. Naturromantiken är här viktigare, men på många sätt, vad gäller skäl till dårskapen, och i hur den yttrar sig, är de ryska och de irländska dårarna lika.</p><p>Därefter har jag tittat på skönlitteratur, och gestalter som lånat drag från de heliga dårarna. Framför allt har jag koncentrerat mig på två texter – Shakespeares kung Lear, som rymmer inte mindre än tre olika dårar – och Dostojevskijs Idioten, där huvudpersonen på många sätt är en mycket övertygande helig dåre.</p><p>Min slutsats vad gäller varför vi inte ser några heliga dårar idag är denna: I och med reformationen, och framväxten av nationalstaten i Europa fanns det inte längre något utrymme för dåren. En i grunden oberoende figur som står utanför den sociala stegen, och säger sanningen till alla, små som stora, när de bryter mot Kristi budskap. Då det blev allt viktigare att hävda sin särart gentemot andra länder och folk fanns det inte längre utrymme för intern kritik, och dåren förföljdes, och försvann.</p>

Syftet med den här uppsatsen har varit att reda ut vad en helig dåre är för någonting, hur fenomenet har påverkat kristendomen och litteraturen, främst i Ryssland och på Irland. Jag har funnit att det är i det ortodoxa Ryssland som den heliga dårskapen har varit allra störst, och att flera av de mest älskade av de ryska helgonen tillhörde denna gren av Kristusdyrkan. Vidare har heliga dårar funnits på Irland, dock i en något annorlunda gestalt. Naturromantiken är här viktigare, men på många sätt, vad gäller skäl till dårskapen, och i hur den yttrar sig, är de ryska och de irländska dårarna lika. Därefter har jag tittat på skönlitteratur, och gestalter som lånat drag från de heliga dårarna. Framför allt har jag koncentrerat mig på två texter – Shakespeares kung Lear, som rymmer inte mindre än tre olika dårar – och Dostojevskijs Idioten, där huvudpersonen på många sätt är en mycket övertygande helig dåre. Min slutsats vad gäller varför vi inte ser några heliga dårar idag är denna: I och med reformationen, och framväxten av nationalstaten i Europa fanns det inte längre något utrymme för dåren. En i grunden oberoende figur som står utanför den sociala stegen, och säger sanningen till alla, små som stora, när de bryter mot Kristi budskap. Då det blev allt viktigare att hävda sin särart gentemot andra länder och folk fanns det inte längre utrymme för intern kritik, och dåren förföljdes, och försvann.

Ancré dans une perspective historique, ce mémoire cherche à mettre en application une relecture de la théorie wébérienne de la « rationalisation éthique » comme facteur explicatif de la reconfiguration moderne du rapport entretenu entre les individus et la religion. Un retour sur les changements survenus dans la pensée religieuse de la Renaissance — pensée mise en contraste avec la situation religieuse des populations du Moyen-Âge — permet de mettre en évidence le passage d’une religion syncrétique, ritualiste et imprégnée de magie, à un christianisme épuré, intériorisé et rationnel. L’étude de la pensée religieuse de l’humaniste Érasme de Rotterdam, pris comme « figure historique » porteuse de cette transformation, pointe vers la diffusion à la Renaissance d’un christianisme compris comme système philosophique compréhensif dépouillé de son caractère mystique. Cette diffusion d’un « esprit » chrétien, et l’importance accordée à la mise en œuvre d’une conduite de vie méthodique spécifiquement orientée vers le salut, participe au premier chef d’un processus de « quotidianisation » du charisme religieux, prélude essentiel, dans une perspective wébérienne, à la « rationalisation éthique » et à l’autonomisation de la sphère religieuse dans la vie sociale. / By way of a historical perspective, this masters thesis aims to reconsider the weberian “ethical rationalization” theory as an explanatory factor for the modern transformation of the relationship between individuals and religion. Reviewing the changes in Renaissance religious thought—and contrasting it with the Medieval religious context—enables us to uncover a shift from a syncretic and ritualized religion that is filled with magical elements, towards an uncluttered, internalized and rational Christianity. The focus on Erasmus of Rotterdam’s religious humanist thought—considered here as a “historical figure” and carrier of these transformations—brings light on how Christianity was stripped of its mystical aspects and came to be understood as a comprehensive philosophical system. The dissemination of such a Christian “spirit”, as well as the importance granted to a methodical way of life specifically oriented towards salvation, play a key role in the appearance of a “quotidian ritualization” of religious charisma, which is in itself, according to Weber, an essential preliminary to an “ethical rationalization” and thus to the “autonomization” of the religious sphere in the social life.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 1992 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:The aim of this study was to compile a description of the life and contribution of Stephanus Petrus Erasmus, eastern frontier pioneer and Voortrekker. Secondly, Erasmus has been set against the background of the problems of the frontier farmers of the north-eastern frontier wards, Brak River and Kraai River in the years 1825 - 1837. Stephanus Erasmus was christened as the surname child of Daniel Elardus and cat.har-dria Elisabeth Erasmus in April 1788. In 1804 or 1805 Daniel Erasmus moved from the Graaff-Reinet district to the Swellendam district. Here Stephanus Erasmus married Maartje Wilhelmina Zacharia Kruger in 1812. At least ten children were born out of this marriage, while a second marriage to Anna Maria Neethling produced a daughter. Erasmus moved to the Beaufort district in 1821. From 1822 1824 he -'resided in the Graaff-Reinet area, and from 1825 he settled in the new district of SomersetEast. Like many of the other frontier farmers, this frontier pioneer probably participated in the northeastern migration for economical and geographical reasons. Erasmus played a leading role in this district in the capacity of provisional field cornet for Brak River. From 1835 he was field cornet for the new ward of Kraai River where he settled on the farm Mooiplaats. As a respected leader, Erasmus was fully aware of the administrative neglect of the north-eastern frontier wards. The progressive destabilisation of these wards, as well as the conflict between groups of black refugees this the uncertainty regarding dissatisfaction with frontier farmers, contributed insecurity. The question of for concern to Erasmus and his The their and the north-eastern towards the feeling of landownership was a cause fellow pioneer farmers. issue contributed to British government. Like many other frontier farmers, Stephanus Erasmus came into conflict with the authorities with regard to the treatment of his slaves. To make matters worse, a murder charge was brought against him after he had shot and killed a black man in the execution of his duties as field cornet. In 1836 Erasmus went on a hunting expedition in the direction of the Vaal River. During this expedition the Ndebele of Mzilikazi ambushed them on 21 August 1836 and two of Erasmus's sons were killed. Two days later Erasmus took part in the Vaal River battle. Erasmus then returned to the Colony from where he emigrated by the middle of 1837. As the leader of his own trek he held the office of commandant. It appears that he was a distinguished and revered Voortrekker leader. He was, for example, one of the six commandants at the battle of Blood River, and was in a leadership position during the battle of the White-Mfolozi. As a citizen of the Republic of Natal, Erasmus played a leading role in public life. He was a member of the Volksraad as well as a member of the Council of Landdros and Heemrade. After Britain had annexed Natal, Erasmus moved to Winburg and Potchefstroom. In 1845 he went to Ohrigstad where he died in February 1847. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:Die doel van hierdie studie was om 'n beskrywing van die lewe en bydrae van Stephanus Petrus Erasmus, oosgrenspionier en Voortrekker, te gee. Tweedens is Erasmus geplaas teen die agtergrond van die probleme van die grensboere van die noordoostelike grenswyke, Brakrivier en Kraairivier, in die jare 1825 - 1837. stephanus Erasmus is in April 1788 gedoop as 'n kind van Daniel Elardus en Catharina Elisabeth Erasmus. Teen 1804 of 1805 het Daniel Erasmus van die distrik Graaff-Reinet na die distrik Swellendam verhuis. Stephanus Erasmus is in die distrik in 1812 met Maartje Wilhelmina Zacharia Kruger getroud. uit hierdie huwelik is minstens tien kinders gebore, terwyl nog In dogter uit 'n tweede huwelik met Anna Maria Neethling gebore is. Erasmus het in 1821 na die distrik Beaufort verhuis. Van 1822 1824 was hy in die distrik Graaff-Reinet woonagtig. Sedert 1825 het Erasmus hom in die nuwe distrik Somerset-Oos gevestig. Soos sy mede-grensboere het die grensboerpionier waarskynlik vanwee ekonomiese en geografiese redes aan die noordoosmigrasie deelgeneem. In die distrik het Erasmus In belangrike leiersrol vervul as provisionele veldkornet van Brakrivier en sedert 1835 as veldkornet van die nuwe wyk Kraairivier. Daar het hy hom op die plaas Mooiplaats gevestig. As In gerespekteerde leiersfiguur sou Erasmus deeglik kennis neem van die administratiewe verwaarlosing van die , noordoosgrenswyke. Die toenemende destabilisasie van die noordoosgrenswyke en die konflik tussen groepe swart vlugtelinge en die noordoosgrensboere het tot die gevoel van onveiligheid bygedra. Die reg op grondbesit het Erasmus en sy mede-grensboere na aan die hart gele en onsekerheid rondom hierdie kwessie het tot toenemende ontevredenheid teenoor die Britse regering gelei. Soos talle ander grensboere het Stephanus Erasmus met die regering gebots as gevolg van die behandeling van sy slawe. Om sake te vererger is 'n moordaanklag teen hom aanhangig gemaak nadat hy 'n swartman in die uitvoering van sy pligte as veldkornet doodgeskiet het. In 1836 het Erasmus 'n jagtog in die rigting van die Vaalrivier onderneem. Hiertydens het die Ndebele van Mzilikazi op 21 Augustus 1836 'n verrassingsaanval op sy j agkamp geloods en is onder andere twee van Erasmus se seuns gedood. Hierop het Erasmus twee dae later aan die Vaalrivierslag deelgeneem. Daarna het Erasmus eers na die Kolonie teruggekeer en teen die middel van 1837 het hy geemigreer. As leier van sy eie trek het hy die amp van kommandant beklee. Dit blyk dat hy 'n vername en gewaardeerde Voortrekkerleier was. Hy was byvoorbeeld een van die ses kommandante by die slag van Bloedrivier en ook in 'n leiershoedanigheid tydens die slag van die Wit-Mfolozi. As burger van die Republiek van Natal het Erasmus 'n leiersrol in die openbare lewe gespeel. Hy was naamlik Volksraadslid en lid van die Raad van Landdros en Heemrade in Natal. Na die Britse anneksasie van Natal het die ou Voortrekker na Winburg en Potchefstroom verhuis waarna hy in 1845 na ohrigstad getrek het. Hier is Erasmus in Februarie 1847 oorlede.

Práce analyzuje segment zahraničních studentů jako skupinu ?návštěvníků?, která patří se svými specifiky k obtížené klientele, o kterou je třeba patřičným způsobem pečovat a poskytovat jí kvalitní univerzitní služby a pomoc. Práce také demonstruje obecné přínosy těchto hostů a trendy, se kterými se setkáváme na univerzitách. Větší pozornost byla zaměřena na vhodné doplnění programu letní školy pořádané na JU. Ve spojení s tímto doplněním programu se velká pozornost ubírala směrem ke zvolené atraktivitě - Stezce korunami stromů Lipno. Projektem diplomové práce je navržení a realizace projektu zatraktivnění této turistické atrakce v podobě aplikovaného nočního osvětlení, které přineslo provozovatelům nové možnosti využití a výhody. Druhá část projektu se pak zabývá prosazením tohoto místa do programu a to hledáním vhodné varianty pro reciproční spolupráci, které nakonec bylo úspěšně dosaženo. Stezka tak byla úspěšně prosazena do následujících programů letních škol pořádaných Jihočeskou univerzitou.