Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Dec 29, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Westminster Theological Seminary, Philadelphia, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 396-411).

République du Congo, l’armée, en tant qu’ensemble de structures et de moyens militaires institutionnellement affectés à la mise en œuvre de la politique décidée par les autorités politiques pour assurer et garantir la défense nationale, est loin d’être l’auteur exclusif des coups d’Etat, même si, systématiquement, elle profite des conséquences politiques attachées à ceux-ci. En réalité, les coups d’Etat y sont la résultante d’une lutte entre plusieurs champs. Dans cette lutte, les acteurs des coups d’Etat, en fonction de leurs corpus idéologiques respectifs, mettent en place des stratégies dont la particularité n’est pas de se limiter au champ bureaucratique mais d’engager également la société appréhendée au regard de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux d’appartenance. Ainsi, mobilisent-ils, non seulement leurs propres capitaux (diplômes, profession), mais aussi les ressources de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux en vue de réaliser la conquête ou la conservation du pouvoir. Par le jeu complexe des solidarités idéologiques, ethniques ou corporatistes, les acteurs politiques tissent des alliances et, selon le cas, participent ou s’opposent à l’exécution des coups d’Etat. Sous ce rapport, les coups d’Etat, qui supposent une importante mobilisation stratégique, politique et matérielle de la part de ceux qui en forment le projet, se confondent à un mode de conquête du pouvoir assimilable formellement à l’élection, et s’inscrivent dans ce que Marcel Mauss nomme les faits sociaux totaux. Les leaders politiques appartenant aux ethnies minoritaires, ne pouvant accéder au pouvoir par voie démocratique, élaborent une stratégie de conquête de pouvoir prenant appui sur l’armée. Ainsi, détournée de sa mission traditionnelle de protection du territoire national face aux agressions extérieures, l’armée voit sa valeur opérationnelle diminuée. / In Republic of Congo, the army, as a whole of structures and average soldiers institutionally assigned to the implementation of the policy decided by the political authorities to ensure and guarantee national defense, is far from being the exclusive author of the coups d'etat, even if, systematically, it benefits from the political consequences attached to those. Actually, the coups d'etat are there the resultant of a fight between several fields. In this fight, the actors of the coups d'etat, according to their respective ideological corpora, set up strategies whose characteristic is not to limit themselves to the bureaucratic field but to also engage the company apprehended taking into consideration their ethnic or regional group of membership. Thus, they mobilize, not only their own capital (diplomas, profession), but also resources of their ethnic or regional groups in order to carry out the conquest or the conservation of the power. By the complex play of ideological solidarity, ethnic or corporatists, the political actors weave alliances and, according to the case, take part or are opposed to the execution of the coups d'etat. Under this report, the coups d'etat, which suppose an important strategic mobilization, political and material on behalf of those which form the project of it, merge with a mode of conquest of the power comparable formally to the election, and fit in what Marcel Mauss names the total social facts. The political leaders belonging to the minority ethnic groups, not being able to reach the power by democratic way, work out a strategy of conquest of fascinating power support on the army. Thus, diverted its traditional mission of protection of the national territory vis-a-vis the external aggressions, the army sees its decreased operational value.

This dissertation argues that Gyekye, in his idea of communitarianism, has a contribution to make towards the understanding of the socio-political structures of multicultural communities in Africa. Gyekye's construct of metanationality, in relation to his communitarian ethics, addresses the socio-political and cultural problems confronting multicultural communities, with particular reference to Nigeria. In an attempt to achieve his idea of a "metanational state", Gyekye claims that: (1) "personhood" is partially defined by a communal structure; (2) equal moral attention should be given both to individual interests and community interests; (3) it is necessary to integrate the "ethic of responsibility" with "rights"; (4) members of the nation-state should be considered equal; (5) in order to achieve nationhood in a multicultural community, it is essential to move beyond "ethnicity" and (6) in an attempt to form a national culture, attention should be drawn to "the elegant" aspects of cultures of various ethno-cultural communities. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M.A. (Philosophy)

Transcultural nursing refers to the provision of nursing care to patients whose values, beliefs and life-style differ from those of the nurse. To enable nurses to honour their ethical obligation to provide quality care, they must have the necessary knowledge to nurse patients across cultural boundaries. This study was conducted to determine the nurse's knowledge of and attitudes towards the culturally different patient. A questionnaire was used to collect the data. Although nurses see it as a challenge to nurse patients from different cultures, it was found that they do not have the necessary knowledge to provide culture-sensitive care. Other factors, such as the nurse's attitude towards culturally different patients, communication problems, mistrust, prejudice and a lack of understanding of cultural uses and traditions, contribute to the lack of culture-sensitive care. The nursing profession should pay attention to these problems. / Health Studies / Van Tonder, Sally / M.A. (Nursing)

This essay involves comparing the Catalan and Spanish (not Catalan) ethnic groups, the two main groups found in Spain, in terms of linguistics. As both groups have their own language, we will be focusing on what attitude each group has in regards to the Catalan and Spanish language. In addition, we will be investigating their attitudes about the people belonging to these two ethnic groups. The purpose of this study is to affirm if these groups have a positive or negative attitude regarding each other, specifically in terms of language. As language is a part of the ethnic identity, we will also analyze which components of the ethnic identity are most important to each group. In order to achieve this, we will first and foremost study closely, and present, the concept of ethnic identity and its various components. We made use of questionnaires in order to gather information about the Catalan and Spanish (not Catalan) people and their languages, which were answered by 60 Catalans and 30 Spaniards.

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No description available.

MAAS / Department of Development Studies / See the attached abstract below

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