CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Ao longo da histÃria o Estado brasileiro adotou diferentes estratÃgias na conduÃÃo das questÃes relacionadas ao desenvolvimento econÃmico da RegiÃo Nordeste. A criaÃÃo, em 1909, do Departamento Nacional de Obras Contra a Seca (DNOCS), antiga Inspetoria de Obras Contra as Secas, da Companhia HidrelÃtrica do SÃo Francisco (CHESF), em 1945, do Banco do Nordeste, em 1952, e da SuperintendÃncia de Desenvolvimento do Nordeste (SUDENE), em 1959, sÃo exemplos destas aÃÃes,implementadas atà meados do sÃculo passado.Nas Ãltimas dÃcadas, as aÃÃes do governo federal na regiÃo tÃm priorizado grupos jà favorecidos, ou setores de atividades considerados dinÃmicos e competitivos, ao mesmo tempo em que tÃm propiciado um invÃlucro de desenvolvimento industrial sustentado, sobretudo, pela renÃncia fiscal e, muitas vezes, movido pela forÃa de trabalhadores submetidos a novas formas de exploraÃÃo e de controle do trabalho. [...] / Throughout history, the Brazilian State has adopted different strategies in issues related to the economic development of the Northeast Region. The creation, in 1909, of the National Department of Works Against Drought (DNOCS), the former Inspection of Works Against Drought, the SÃo Francisco Hydroelectric Company (CHESF) in 1945, Banco do Nordeste in 1952, and the Superintendency (SUDENE) in 1959 are examples of these actions, implemented until the middle of the last century. In the last decades, the actions of the federal government in the region have prioritized already favored groups, or sectors of activities considered dynamic and competitive, to the At the same time as they have provided an industrial development envelope sustained, above all, by the fiscal renunciation and, often, by the force of workers submitted to new forms of exploitation and control of labor. [...]

No Brasil, foram adotados passos significativos para o reestabelecimento dos Direitos Humanos após o fim do Regime Militar 19641985. Um dos mais importantes passos está relacionado à elaboração de Programas Nacionais de Direitos Humanos (PNDHs). A criação destes Programas posicionou os Direitos Humanos no centro de muitas discussões, historicamente eram periféricas, e passaram, então, a desfrutar de uma posição política relevante, uma vez que esses programas representam o discurso oficial do Estado frente aos Direitos Humanos. A intenção de formular o primeiro Programa (1996) nasce da participação do governo brasileiro na Conferência Mundial de Direitos Humanos de Viena, em junho de 1993, que estabeleceu como recomendação específica a realização de tais programas aos países envolvidos. Atualmente, está em vigor o Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos 3 (PNDH3), inicialmente lançado pelo Decreto 7.037 em 21 de dezembro de 2009. O PNDH3 passou por intenso debate público, ocupando o centro das discussões políticas durante o início do ano de 2010 e proporcionando uma discussão sobre Direitos Humanos entre o governo federal e entidades opositoras ao plano, como as Forças Armadas, a igreja e o agronegócio. Isso resultou em sua reformulação em 12 de maio de 2010 pelo Decreto 7.177, acarretando em alterações de seu teor. Assim sendo, este trabalho propõe um questionamento sobre a alteração do discurso oficial do governo brasileiro após a reedição do Programa Nacional de Diretos Humanos 3 pelo olhar do Institucionalismo Discursivo. Esta dissertação também apresenta breve resgate histórico sobre a trajetória dos Direitos Humanos no Brasil e no mundo, revisão essa fundamental para a contextualização da evolução dos Direitos Humanos no Brasil / Brazil adopted meaningful steps towards the reestablishment of Human Rights after the end of the Military Regime 19641985. One of the most important steps refers to the elaboration of National Human Rights Programs (Programas Nacionais de Direitos Humanos PNDHs). The creation of this Program has positioned Human Rights in the centre of several historically peripheral discussions, that, then, gained significant political positioning once they represent the official State discourse on Human Rights.The motivation to elaborate the first Program (1996) comes from the participation of the Brazilian government at the 1993 Vienna World Conference on Human Rights, that established as specific recommendation the elaboration of such programs. It is currently operational the third National Human Rights Program (PNDH3), that was initially launched by the Decree 7.037 on December 21st 2009. PNDH3 experienced intense public debate, being the centre of political discussions in the beginning of 2010, generating a Human Rights discussion among the federal government and opposing players, such as Military entities, religious bodies and the agribusiness. This, on May 12th 2010, led to its reformulation, and consequently on modifications of its contents. Therefore, this research has as proposes a discussion, under the Discursive Institucionalism perspective, about the changes on Brazilian governmental discourse after the republishing of the National Human Rights Plan 3. This research also presents a summarized discussion on the historical evolution of Human Rights in Brazil and abroad, a key step to the framing of Brazilian Human Rights path

Submitted by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2018-06-18T20:42:37Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_Dianine_Censon.pdf: 1831177 bytes, checksum: 73165f116c694e3e39060fe9e20f0bbe (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2018-06-22T22:16:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao_Dianine_Censon.pdf: 1831177 bytes, checksum: 73165f116c694e3e39060fe9e20f0bbe (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-22T22:16:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao_Dianine_Censon.pdf: 1831177 bytes, checksum: 73165f116c694e3e39060fe9e20f0bbe (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-05 / Entendidas como regiões esquecidas pelo processo de desenvolvimento brasileiro, as fronteiras tornaram-se, em 2009, temáticas de um dos programas lançados pela Política Pública de Desenvolvimento Regional. O Programa de Desenvolvimento da Faixa de Fronteira versa sobre a organização e o aperfeiçoamento das políticas públicas como forma de criação de oportunidades para a integração da faixa de fronteira ao cenário de desenvolvimento nacional, orientando essas regiões a determinadas ações em vias do desenvolvimento. Pensando nesse processo e na realidade da Metade Sul do Rio Grande do Sul, esse trabalho buscou compreender de que forma as diretrizes pró-desenvolvimento do Governo Federal configuram um debate recente sobre desenvolvimento regional no poder público da cidade de Jaguarão/RS. Utilizando-se de entrevistas com representantes da administração pública de Jaguarão, dados secundários como documentos, leis, planos e projetos e um diário de campo, articulando a literatura sobre desenvolvimento e regiões fronteiriças com o modelo analítico de planejamento urbano de Vainer (2000) a respeito das analogias constitutivas da cidade-produto, cidade-empresa e cidade-pátria, buscou-se viabilizar tal objetivo. A partir dessa análise, foi possível elencar categorias de desenvolvimento presentes no poder público de Jaguarão, observando a legitimação de uma doxa (Cf. Bourdieu, 2000) presente na cidade que se relaciona, subjetivamente, às doxas de desenvolvimento em curso em outras localidades do Brasil, ainda que a partir de certa interdependência local que configura a relação e as particularidades do espaço, dos atores e do processo em curso (ELIAS, 1999; 2001). Somado a isso, foi possível observar as marcas históricas de uma localidade dita como esquecida pelo Governo Federal em contraposição a uma esperança de crescimento e desenvolvimento a partir do que pode ser entendido como um receituário nacional. / Understood as forgotten regions by the Brazilian development process, the border area became, in 2009, theme of one of the launched programs by the Política Pública de Desenvolvimento Regional (a Brazilian public policy to regional development). The Programa de Desenvolvimento da Faixa de Fronteira (a governmental program dedicated to develop the border area of Brazil) talks about the organization and improvement of public policies as a way to create opportunities to integrate the border area to the national development scenario, guiding these regions to specific actions for the sake of development. Thinking about this process and in the reality of Metade do Sul of Rio Grande do Sul (the south part of the Rio Grande do Sul state), this work sought to comprehend in which way the guidelines pro-development by Federal Government configure recent debate about regional development inside the public power of the city of Jaguarão/RS. Using interviews with represents of the public administration of Jaguarão, secondary data as documents, laws, plans and projects and a field diary, in conjunction with the literature of development and border areas and a analytical model of urban planning by Vainer (2000) about constitutive analogies of product-city, enterprise-city and homeland-city, it was sought to make this objective viable. From this analyses, it was possible to find categories of development present in the public power of Jaguarão, thus observing the legitimation of a doxa (Cf. Bourdieu, 1977) in the city that relates itself, subjectively, to the ongoing doxas of development in other localities of Brazil, even if based on a certain local interdependency that defines the relationship and the particularities of space, actors and ongoing process (ELIAS, 1999; 2001). In addition, it was possible to observe the historical marks in a place that is said as forgotten by the Federal Government, in contrast to a hopefulness of growth and development from what can be understood as a national prescription.

nÃo hà / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar como o ÃrgÃo do Poder Executivo Federal brasileiro ligado ao tema da igualdade racial se coloca na esfera pÃblica virtual. A anÃlise concentra-se na experiÃncia de comunicaÃÃo online da Secretaria de PolÃticas de PromoÃÃo da Igualdade Racial (SEPPIR): o site www.seppir.gov.br. O ÃrgÃo foi criado em 2003 para formular, promover e articular aÃÃes que promovam a igualdade racial no paÃs. A SEPPIR comeÃou suas atividades na primeira gestÃo do presidente Luiz InÃcio Lula da Silva e significou uma resposta Ãs demandas histÃricas do movimento negro brasileiro, movimento este que conseguiu colocar a questÃo racial na esfera pÃblica brasileira e que passou, principalmente a partir da dÃcada de 1970, por uma reconstruÃÃo Ãtnica e cultural, pautada, por exemplo, pela defesa da utilizaÃÃo da ideia de raÃa. Tal movimento passou tambÃm a influenciar os partidos polÃticos e a esfera de decisÃo polÃtica e a exigir do Estado, a seu modo, aÃÃes tanto de reconhecimento quanto de redistribuiÃÃo. O site da SEPPIR à o Ãnico veÃculo utilizado pela Secretaria para divulgar, de forma permanente, suas aÃÃes. A presente dissertaÃÃo analisa esse objeto a partir da HermenÃutica de Profundidade, referencial metodolÃgico proposto por J. B. Thompson. Faz isso ao realizar, conjuntamente, as anÃlises sÃcio-histÃrica e discursiva (anÃlise narrativa), alÃm da interpretaÃÃo das formas simbÃlicas estudadas. Em conjunto com esse referencial metodolÃgico, o trabalho busca analisar como a SEPPIR se porta na esfera pÃblica virtual, em relaÃÃo aos tipos de publicidade caracterÃsticos da esfera pÃblica (visibilidade e discutibilidade), e se ela consegue e como consegue atender Ãs exigÃncias democrÃticas para as experiÃncias digitais do Estado (responsividade, porosidade, alÃm da publicidade). A hipÃtese trabalhada e confirmada por este trabalho à de que a SEPPIR nÃo se preocupa em dar grandes contribuiÃÃes à esfera pÃblica discursiva, na qual se prima pelo debate. Ela contribui, em maior medida, com a formaÃÃo de uma esfera de visibilidade pÃblica em torno da questÃo racial. Faz isso sendo o site um polo emissor de discursos sobre a realidade racial brasileira. Discursos cuja narrativa converge com aquela utilizada na histÃria recente do movimento negro, que, por sua vez, assemelha-se à narrativa escolhida pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores nos Ãltimos anos. / The present work aims to study how the organ of the Brazilian Federal Executive linked to the issue of racial equality stands in the virtual public sphere. The analysis focuses on the online communication experience from the Secretariat for the Promotion of Racial Equality (SEPPIR): the website www.seppir.gov.br. The organ was created in 2003 to formulate, promote and coordinate activities that promote racial equality in the country. SEPPIR began its activities in the first administration of President Luiz InÃcio Lula da Silva and it meant a historical response to the demands of the Brazilian black movement, a movement that managed to put the race issue in the public sphere in Brazil and went, especially since the 1970s, through an ethnic and cultural reconstruction, based, for example, on the defense of the use of the idea of race. This movement also began to influence the political parties and the sphere of political decision and to demand from the State, in its own way, shares of both recognition and redistribution. The SEPPIR website is the only vehicle used by the Secretariat to disclose, on an ongoing basis, its actions. The dissertation analyzes the object from the Depth Hermeneutics perspective, the methodological framework suggested by J. B. Thompson. It does that by performing together both socio-historical and discursive analysis (narrative analysis), and the interpretation of symbolic forms studied. In conjunction with this methodological framework, the paper seeks to analyze how SEPPIR behaves in the virtual public sphere, in relation to the types of publicity characteristics of the public sphere (visibility and discutibility) and if it can and how it meets the democratic demands of state digital experiences (responsiveness, porosity, and publicity). The hypothesis elaborated and confirmed by this study is that SEPPIR does not bother to give large contributions to the discursive public sphere in which debate is a main concern. It contributes in a greater extent for the formation of a sphere of public awareness around the race issue. It does that by the website being an issue pole of discourses about the racial reality in Brazil. Discourses whose narrative converges with that used in the recent history of the black movement, which, in turn, resembles the narrative chosen by the Workersâ Party in recent years.

Since 2002, the federal government has disseminated surveys to all of its federal agencies to obtain employees' views on the federal agencies' work environments. This study examined the relationship between employees' perception of their leaders' transformational leadership skills and employee job satisfaction. This study was conducted in a metropolitan area in the midwestern United States using 12 federal agencies, totaling approximately 33,000 employees. The theoretical framework for this study was transformational leadership theory. The 5 constructs published by House and Burns were used in multifactor leadership questionnaire surveys by scholarly and peer-reviewed studies and represent the primary leadership skills. The study used the job satisfaction survey to gather information on federal employees' work environments. Data were collected from a random selection of participants from agency employee rosters. The data analysis revealed a relationship between transformational leadership constructs and job satisfaction with intellectual stimulation receiving the highest correlation. All variables have a high correlation to each other with F (5, 86) =.968, p = .44, R2 (.053). The R2 value of .053 indicated that approximately 5.3% of variations in job satisfaction are accounted for by the linear combination of the predictor variables. The variables are idealized attributes and behaviors, intellectual stimulation, inspirational motivation, and individual considerations. The findings may contribute to positive social change by providing federal government leaders with an understanding of transformational leadership skills and job satisfaction.

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This study presents an understanding of the role of transparency in the communication processes of agencies of the United States Federal Government, as guided by principles of stakeholder management, models of public relations, and a model for government agency communication. These theories and models all suggest that increased openness in organizations will result in improved organizational functioning and in some instances, increases in organizational trust. The perspectives presented in this paper were collected through eighteen semi-structured in-depth interviews of professional communicators for various agencies in the United States Federal Government. The data shows that government communicators recognize the need for transparency in a democratic government, and also illustrates factors that both enhance and constrain transparency. Most of the limited research on government agency communication has focused on media relations and agency spokespersons. The value this exploratory study provides is that it illustrates government communicators understand the value of transparency in communication practices and provides a model for transparency in government agency communication. The research also shows a need for future research to strengthen theory, expand models, and provide examples of how to effectively implement transparency enhancing practices in government communication.

With the passage of the Affordable Care Act, states were given the option to expand their Medicaid programs. Since then, thirty-eight states and Washington, D.C., have done so. Previous work has identified the widespread effects of expansion on enrollment and the financial implications for individuals, hospitals, and the federal government, yet administrative expenditures have not been considered. Using data from all fifty states for the period 2007-17, our study estimated the effects of Medicaid expansion overall, as well as differing effects by the size and nature of the expansions. Using a quasi-experimental approach, we found no overall effect of expansion on administrative spending. However, the size of the expansion may have produced differing effects. States with small expansions experienced some increases in administrative spending, whereas states with large expansions experienced some decreases in administrative spending, including a $77 reduction in per enrollee administrative spending compared with nonexpansion states. As more states consider expanding their Medicaid programs, our findings provide evidence of potential effects.

This dissertation develops a theory of democracy based on the premises that a) there is no democracy in the 21st century without democratic control of technology, and b) democracy must be judged along three axes: 1) Democracy—Monarchy: how is political power divided? 2) Democracy—Oligarchy: how easily is money translated into political power? 3) Politics—Society: does democracy encompass the decisive processes of society? To satisfy these criteria, this dissertation proposes a democratic federalism grounded in the commons, which are not only integrated within larger governments, but constitute distinct and independent polities with an equal say in all matters concerning the physical organization of their territories. It integrates lottocratic selection within a system of direct (rather than representative) government, in which participation at higher levels of government is made possible by breaking open governing functions into their constituent parts, particularly in the legislature. Democratic federalism institutionalizes the tension between the center and the periphery, the collective and the community, the abstract benefits and concrete costs of modern technology through the dual relationship between the commons and all larger polities of which it is a part.