Submitted by Neusa Fagundes (neusa.fagundes@unioeste.br) on 2017-09-14T19:50:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda_Pereira2017.docx: 5617667 bytes, checksum: 7464d2275155471c14b79e4bc6458bac (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-14T19:50:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda_Pereira2017.docx: 5617667 bytes, checksum: 7464d2275155471c14b79e4bc6458bac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-14 / According to the french Discourse Analysis (AD), formulated by Michel Pêcheux, discourse is an effect of meaning among interlocutors, a meaning that occurs within a given discursive formation (FD), and determines what can and should be said. In a society already used to the historical struggle of the Feminist Movements for equal rights and in which the body (both male and female) is exploited commercially, daily, by the media, it seems strange that the exposure of the half naked female body in protests, is still percieved as offensive and negative. The feminist group FEMEN, which fights against patriarchy in its three forms (materialized, according to the group, in sexual exploitation of women, dictatorships and major religions), is constantly attacked, during its protests, by exposing their half-naked bodies. Through the identification of the elements used by the activists in their protests and the analysis of the statements that “dress” their bodies, this work aims to understand how the discursive memory is reclaimed, producing meaning. Thus, this dissertation seeks to understand the discursive processes that allow the production of these effects of meaning, and how the naked body constitutes itself as a discursive materiality, displacing the bodies of the activists from the ideal of femininity (according to Kehl (2016)) or submission, docility, with the sole purpose of maternity) built throughout the nineteenth century. Through the analysis of the images of three protests, which question the control exercised over the female bodies, by the main religions of the Western world, this work aims to understand how the naked female body, when used as a vehicle of protest, produces effects of meaning that break up with the current FD that determines what a woman can and should be, within the ideals that persist in our society. In this sense, the naked body, when used to denounce and question control practices over the women’s body, produces discomfort, estrangement, rupture with these discourses. / Para a Análise do Discurso (AD) de linha francesa, formulada por Michel Pêcheux, o discurso é efeito de sentido entre interlocutores, sentido que se dá dentro de uma determinada formação discursiva (FD), e que determina aquilo que pode e deve ser dito. Em uma sociedade já habituada à luta histórica dos movimentos feministas por igualdade de direitos e na qual o corpo (tanto masculino quanto feminino) é explorado comercialmente pela mídia, diariamente, parece estranho que a exposição do corpo feminino (semi)nu em protestos, seja vista de forma ofensiva e negativa. O grupo feminista FEMEN, que luta contra o patriarcado em suas três formas (materializadas, segundo o grupo, na exploração sexual da mulher, nas ditaduras e nas principais religiões), é alvo de agressões, durante seus protestos, por expor seus corpos (semi)nus. Por meio da identificação dos elementos utilizados pelas manifestantes em seus protestos e da análise dos enunciados que vestem seus corpos, objetiva-se compreender como a memória discursiva é retomada, produzindo sentidos. Assim, pretende-se com esta dissertação compreender os processos discursivos que possibilitam a produção desses efeitos de sentido, e como o corpo nu se constitui como materialidade discursiva, deslocando os corpos das manifestantes do ideal de feminilidade (KEHL, 2016) de submissão, docilidade, tendo como único objetivo a maternidade, construído ao longo do século XIX e que ressoa ainda no século XXI. Por meio da análise de imagens de três protestos do grupo, os quais questionam o controle exercido sobre os corpos femininos (de mulheres) pelas principais religiões do mundo ocidental, busca-se compreender como o corpo feminino nu, quando utilizado como veículo de protesto, produz efeitos de sentido que rompem com a FD vigente que determina o que pode e deve ser uma mulher, dentro dos ideais que persistem na sociedade. Nesse sentido, o corpo nu, quando utilizado para denunciar e questionar práticas de controle sobre o corpo da mulher, produz o desconforto, o estranhamento, a ruptura com esses discursos tão estabilizados na memória da sociedade.

Till följd av att en muslimsk kvinna misshandlades i en förort till Stockholm på grund av att hon bar slöja, genomfördes den politiska manifestationen Hijabuppropet. Denna manifestation resulterade i att kvinnor uppmanades att beslöja sig i syfte att visa solidaritet för den misshandlade kvinnan, och muslimska kvinnor som en marginaliserad samhällsgrupp. Agerandet möttes med en stark kritik från bland annat den svenska kvinnorörelsen som menade att slöjan är anti-feministisk och representerar ett kvinnoförtryck som inte borde normaliseras i det svenska samhället. Detta fick gensavar från muslimska feminister som menade att deras erfarenheter blev exkluderade i debatten kring kvinnlig jämställdhet. Syftet för denna studie är att utifrån den teoretiska referensramen black feminism och postkolonial feminism problematisera denna påstådda exkludering, och att anlysera hur dessa kvinnor motiverar en lyckad kombination av att vara muslim och feminist i ett västerländskt samhälle. Med totalt 13 debattartiklar, krönikor och intervjuartiklar med muslimska kvinnliga feminister och andra icke-muslimska feministiska aktörer, har en kritisk diskursanalys genomförts. Med hjälp av Faircloughs tredimensionella analysverktyg har diskursiva praktiker tolkats och kopplats till skapandet av sociala praktiker. Studien förhåller sig till vetenskapstraditionen kritisk realism då fokus ligger på att finna bakomliggande mekanismer som har förklaringsvärde till de sociala fenomen som undersöks. Analysen visar ett resultat där jämställdhetsdiskursen tolkas definieras av en hierarkisk social dominans, där den svenska kvinnorörelsen reproducerar en normativ feminism designad efter den vita medelklasskvinnans behov. Bedömningen görs att det existerar en exkludering av marginaliserade grupper inom kvinnorörelsen där minoriteten antas behöva anamma majoritetsgruppens värderingar vad gäller attityder till kvinnliga rättigheter och definition av frihet. Det existerar med andra ord en invärtes maktkamp inom den svenska feministiska rörelsen där idén om en universell feminism där samhällets samtliga kvinnor strävar efter unisona mål är problematisk.

La présente thèse vise à étudier deux différentes modalités de contestation de l'imaginaire dominant, à travers l'analyse des actions directes du mouvement FEMEN et des performances issues de la démarche post-porn. Ces deux démarches contestataires mettent en exergue et questionnent, chacune à leur manière, la sexualisation des corps, inhérente à certains schèmes de l'imaginaire dominant : les FEMEN la refusent ; la démarche post-porn propose d'autres façons de sexualiser les corps. Une comparaison approfondie de modes d'action des FEMEN et des acteur-ice-s de la scène post-porn implique de s'intéresser à deux façons différentes de retravailler les imaginaires sexuels dominants et de re-signifier les corps féminins, trans et/ou non hétérosexuels. A partir de la sexualisation des corps, je montre comment le regard sur les corps est verrouillé, structuré par un imaginaire traversé par les rapports de pouvoir : il y a des façons hégémoniques de raconter les corps des dominant.e.s et des dominé.e.s. En essaimant dans le monde social, les scripts corporels, ces fictions forgées par les logiques de domination, structurent le regard sur les corps, les pratiques corporelles et les interactions sociales. Mais ce verrouillage du regard contient en lui-même les conditions de son déverrouillage. Ce sont des modalités de ce déverrouillage qui seront interrogées, à travers les actions des FEMEN et des activistes post-porn. Proposer des narrations alternatives de corps déverrouille-t-il le regard sur les corps ? Quel rapport ces démarches contestataires entretiennent-elles aux fictions hégémoniques ? / This thesis aims to study two different approaches which dissent from the dominant imaginary, through the analysis of the FEMEN movement’s direct actions and performances derived from the post-porn approach. Both dissenting approaches highlight and question, each in their own way, the sexualization of bodies, which is inherent to certain schema of the dominant imaginary: the FEMEN movement refuses it, while the post-porn approach offers other ways of sexualizing the body. An in-depth comparison of FEMEN's modes of action with those of the actors and actresses of the post-porn scene entails engagement with two different ways of re-working the notion of dominant sexual imaginaries, and also the re-signification of trans and/or non-heterosexual female bodies. Starting from the sexualization of bodies, I show how the way we look at bodies is locked in, structured by an imaginary shaped by power relationships: there are hegemonic ways to narrate the bodies of the dominant and the dominated. By disseminating themselves into the social world, corporal scripts – these fictions created through logics of domination – shape the way we look at bodies, corporal practices and social interactions. However, this locking in of the gaze contains in itself the conditions of its own unlocking. These modes of unlocking will be questioned through the prism of actions by FEMEN and post-porn activists. Does suggesting alternative body narrations unlock the gaze brought to bear on the body? What relation do these dissenting approaches have with hegemonic fictions?

In the age of mass information, globalization, and peer-to-peer social networks, the traditional markers of identity and elective affinities, particularly those of religion and nationalism, are shifting in relation to contemporary trends. The field of Religious Studies has been influenced by a series of ‘post’s: postsecular, postmodern, postcolonial, and post 9/11. The rise of revolutionary religious movements internationally is a hallmark characteristic of the postsecular age. Participants in these movements are variously characterized as religious dissidents, militant secularists, neo-fascist nationalists, and terrorists. However, according to the dialogues within these communities, participants do not think of themselves in these terms. The dualizing labels of ‘religious’ and ‘secular’ do not lend meaning to these contemporary identities. This thesis addresses the question: How do traditional and contemporary theories in the field of Religious Studies evaluate contemporary religious nationalist movements, and how do their analyses compare to how members of the groups in question perceive themselves? To answer this question, this dissertation examines and contrasts four key case studies: the Native Faith Movement and Femen in Ukraine, and the Gezi Park protesters and the Gülen Movement in Turkey. By analyzing group activities through the fora of the curated digital presences of group leaders and members, this research investigates emerging elective affinities and markers of identity which transcend the religious/secular binary. Contemporary theory from the field of Critical Religion and feminist theology transcending the religious/secular binary will be applied to these case studies in order to gain a deeper understanding of the shifting relationships between religion, protest and the nation.

Dans la sphère publique, la nudité est toujours porteuse de signes. Symbolisant la vulnérabilité dans certains contextes, elle peut représenter la folie, la liberté, le désir de choquer, un appel ardent à être écouté. C’est pourquoi les militantes Femen, mouvement féministe activiste, utilisent leur corps comme principale arme de revendication politique, se mettant en scène les seins nus dans leurs manifestations. Malgré leur visibilité qui s’étend maintenant à l’échelle internationale, leurs méthodes de revendications restent très controversées et suscitent de nombreuses critiques. Mais au-delà de ces critiques, de quoi nous « parle » le mouvement Femen? Que nous dit-il sur notre société d’aujourd’hui, sur ses paradoxes, ses tensions et ses rapports de force? Ce mémoire a pour objectif de répondre à ces questions. Il est structuré comme suit : une première partie porte sur l’historique du mouvement et ses orientations ainsi que sur les principales critiques qui lui sont adressées. Cette section présente également le cadre conceptuel du mémoire qui s’articule autour de cinq grands points : la nudité comme outil de contestation politique, la société de l’image, le corps, l’apparence et la beauté, la «résistance urbaine spectaculaire» et enfin, l’engagement et le désengagement militants. La deuxième partie présente la méthodologie, une démarche de type ethnographique comprenant des entretiens semi-dirigés avec des militantes Femen et avec la fondatrice de la branche québécoise ainsi que de l’observation participante lors d’entrainements et de réunions formelles et informelles du groupe. Finalement, la dernière section présente les résultats du terrain. Ceux-ci mettent en évidence les nombreux paradoxes et contradictions inhérents au mouvement, lesquels nous apparaissent comme un condensé de grandes contradictions de notre société. Une société de l’image et du spectacle, où le corps, celui des femmes en particulier, a acquis une centralité particulière et paradoxale. Une société d’individus « libres » mais adhérant à des standards de beauté stéréotypés. Une société où les « causes », celles de la gauche et du féminisme notamment, ont du mal à s’exprimer de façon cohérente, entre autres parce qu’elles sont traversées de tensions internes où l’individu l’emporte trop souvent sur le collectif. Une société, enfin, où le religieux est imbriqué plus que jamais au politique, venant brouiller davantage les lignes de contestation. / In the public scene, nudity always carried signs. Being a symbol of vulnerability in some contexts, it may also represent the madness, freedom, the desire to shock or even an ardent appeal to be heard in some cases. This is actually the reason why activist feminist Femen movement militants are using their bodies as the main weapon of political demands by featuring themselves breast naked in their events. Despite of the visibility of the movement that now extends internationally; their methods of claims remain highly controversial and are the source of several critical. But beyond all these criticisms, what is the Femen movement telling us? What is it telling us about today’s society, on its paradoxes, its tensions and power struggles? This thesis aims to answer these questions. It is structured as follows: A first part focuses on the history of the movement, its directions and the main criticisms addressed to it. This first part is also presenting the conceptual framework of the thesis that is built around five major points: nudity as political protest tool, the image society, the body, appearance and beauty, the “spectacular urban resistance” and finally, engagement and disengagement activist. The second part presents the methodology; an ethnographic approach including semi-structured interviews with Femen activist and founder of the Quebec branch as well as the participant observation during formal and informal trainings and meetings of the group. Finally, the last section presents the results of the field. These highlight the many paradoxes and contradictions inherent in the movement, which we appear as an overview of some of the big contradictions of our society. A society of image and show. Where body, especially women’s body has gained a particular and paradoxical centrality. A society of ‘’free’’ individuals who adhere to stereotypical standards. A society in which "causes", those on the left and feminism in particular, are struggling to speak coherently, in part because of internal tensions crossings where the individual prevails too often on the collective. A society where religion is nested more than ever, blurring once again the protest lines.

This research contributes a detailed personal account of a FEMEN activist. It presents an autophenomenographic analysis of cultural artefacts, including a Retrospective Diary, resulting from the activity of Yelena Myshko in FEMEN between 2012 and 2014. Previously FEMEN has been used as raw material for external analysis by press and academics to fit their individual agendas. To counteract this, Myshko’s research proposes an insider perspective on FEMEN activism. She writes herself in response to academics and FEMEN leader Inna Shevchenko who ignore the contribution of FEMEN Netherlands. Myshko merges author/researcher/researched and uses evocative storytelling to provide an introspective account of sextremism, connecting it to relevant embodiment concepts that illustrate its technology of empowerment and unintended side effects.   Through an autophenomenographic analysis of her personal experience, Myshko suggests how FEMEN employs sextremism to create soldiers of feminism. Her research proposes that sextremism is an attitude, a way of life and technology of resistance. For Myshko, sextremism embodies feminist polemic that turns against patriarchy through topless protest. Through personal accounts she illustrates how she internalized this aggressive femininity during physical and mental training. Myshko argues that in protest FEMEN activists communicate to the public and mobilize new activists through feminist snap. In addition, Myshko observes that sextremism produces visual activism that internalizes feminist polemic and transforms it into figurative storytelling. Myshko explains how she reproduced sextremism through body image that made her assertive and empowered her in action.   In turn Myshko demonstrates how personal accounts of sextremist embodiment and problems encountered as a woman in the world reproduce FEMEN’s fight in the media. Myshko analysis interviews with the press where she pinpoints topical feminist issues, making FEMEN real and relevant in Western society. Myshko observes that the media appropriated the spectacle created by FEMEN Netherlands but often distorted it and bend the news to fit its own agenda. In addition, the media criticized FEMEN Netherlands for cross-passing national values and power symbols. For Myshko, sextremism is empowering but also destructive. It promotes an unapologetic self-critical attitude that accumulates collateral damage in battle. The sporadic and restrained relationships between activists does not allow intimacy. Because of the eye of the media, tenderness is perceived as weakness and is not aloud. The combination of criticism, media scrutiny and police persecution hurt Myshko’s feelings. These unresolved feelings of hurt led to resentment and disengagement from FEMEN.