O objetivo deste trabalho é a discussão sobre a dinâmica política e alguns dos fatores econômicos julgados relevantes e que juntos contribuíram na decisão do Governo da União em criar um sistema federal de escolas profissionais, as Escolas de Aprendizes Artífices (E.A.As), durante o curto mandato presidencial (1909/1910) do líder fluminense Nilo Procópio Peçanha, sob o comando do Ministério da Agricultura. A referida escola instituída por este presidente foi parte concreta de um projeto político alternativo ao do liberalismo predominante do eixo São Paulo-Minas durante a Primeira República brasileira. As EAAs foram iniciadas por uma liderança representativa de uma fração da oligarquia brasileira cujo projeto político-administrativo além de ter surgido num polo econômico secundário do país, representava também o desejo daquele grupo político de tornar o papel da União mais protagonista frente ao atraso econômico e alguns dos problemas sociais do país, apesar de compartilhar dos mesmos valores e fazer uso das mesmas estratégias da República oligárquica e da sua cultura clientelística. De certa forma, não eram adeptos de um federalismo irrestrito e, sentindo-se prejudicados pelo predomínio dos interesses políticos e econômicos da oligarquia paulista e dos seus associados de momento, propuseram um Estado federal mais intervencionista inclusive no campo da Educação, esfera até então de domínio quase que exclusivo dos Estados. Verificaremos o percurso inicial das Escolas de Aprendizes de Artífices até a década de 1930, incluindo a finalização deste sistema federal de ensino com a inclusão da Escola Normal de Artes e Ofícios Wenceslau Braz. Também destacaremos as transformações institucionais que as EAAs experimentaram ao longo deste tempo, tal como o Serviço da Remodelação chefiado pelo engenheiro João Lüderitz, o qual se propôs a modernizar a instituição. Analisaremos algumas das suas dificuldades políticas, administrativas e econômicas no contexto da sociedade brasileira da Primeira República, além de discutir determinadas características enquanto instituição que propunha o ensino profissional para as classes populares e, finalmente, se houve algum legado para a educação brasileira. / The objective of this work is the discussion about the political dynamics and some of the economic factors judged relevant and that together contributed in the decision of the Government of the Union to create a federal system of professional schools, the Apprentices Craftsmen Schools (EAAs), during the short Presidential term (1909/1910) of the leader from Nilo Procópio Peçanha, under the command of the Ministry of Agriculture. The said school instituted by this president was a concrete part of a political project alternative to that of the predominant liberalism of the São Paulo-Minas axis during the First Brazilian Republic. The EAAs was initiated by a representative leadership of a fraction of the Brazilian oligarchy whose political-administrative project, besides having emerged in a secondary economic pole of the country, also represented the political group\'s desire to make the Union\'s role more protagonist in the face of economic and some of the country\'s social problems, despite sharing the same values and making use of the same strategies of the oligarchic Republic and its clientelistic culture. In a sense, they were not adept at unrestricted federalism and, feeling prejudiced by the predominance of the political and economic interests of the São Paulo oligarchy and its associates at the time, proposed a more interventionist federal state, including in the field of Education. States. We will review the initial course of the Apprentices Craftsmen Schools until the 1930s, including the completion of this federal education system with the inclusion of the Wenceslau Braz Normal School of Arts and Crafts. We will also highlight the institutional transformations that the EAAs have experienced over the years, such as the \"Remodeling Service\" led by the engineer João Lüderitz, who proposed to modernize the institution. We will analyze some of its political, administrative and economic difficulties in the context of the Brazilian society of the First Republic, besides discussing certain characteristics as an institution that proposes professional education for the popular classes and, finally, if there was any legacy for Brazilian education.

Submitted by Vanessa Matheus Cavalcante (vcavalcante25@gmail.com) on 2012-12-10T14:06:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 O teatro de Viriato Corrêa uma escrita da História para o povo brasileiro_UV.pdf: 3873581 bytes, checksum: 6f2ea453059483a5bc42e44007d3aef1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rafael Aguiar (rafael.aguiar@fgv.br) on 2012-12-20T16:55:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 O teatro de Viriato Corrêa uma escrita da História para o povo brasileiro_UV.pdf: 3873581 bytes, checksum: 6f2ea453059483a5bc42e44007d3aef1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2013-01-09T16:06:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 O teatro de Viriato Corrêa uma escrita da História para o povo brasileiro_UV.pdf: 3873581 bytes, checksum: 6f2ea453059483a5bc42e44007d3aef1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-01-09T16:06:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 O teatro de Viriato Corrêa uma escrita da História para o povo brasileiro_UV.pdf: 3873581 bytes, checksum: 6f2ea453059483a5bc42e44007d3aef1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-24 / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a atuação de intelectuais entendidos como mediadores culturais, ou seja, aqueles que têm como objetivo a divulgação de conhecimento histórico para o grande público. Para tanto, escolhemos como objeto de estudo o intelectual Viriato Corrêa (1884-1967), que entendemos ser exemplar nesse tipo de atuação intelectual. Mais especificamente, buscaremos nos ater às suas peças teatrais, escritas entre as décadas de 1910 e 1940, que, como todo o resto de sua obra, são marcadas por um intenso discurso de valorização do nacional. É preciso lembrar que o período em questão é estratégico no que concerne à construção de uma identidade nacional republicana. Assim, buscaremos demonstrar como o escritor contribuiu e esteve engajado no projeto de construção de uma história e memória nacionais através de suas produções teatrais, utilizando-as como vetores culturais de difusão de uma história de cunho cívico-patriótico. / The present study aims to analyze the role of intellectuals regarded as cultural mediators, ie, those that aim to disseminate historical knowledge to the general public. To do this we chose as the object of study the intellectual Viriato Corrêa (1884-1967), which we believe is exemplary in this kind of intellectual activity. More specifically, we try to stick to their plays, written between the 1910s and 1940s, which, like the rest of his work, are marked by an intense appreciation of the national discourse. We must remember that the period in question is strategic in relation to the construction of a Republican national identity. Thus, we will seek to demonstrate how the writer has contributed and been engaged in the project of constructing a national history and memory through its theatrical productions, using them as vectors for spreading a cultural history of civic-patriotic slant.

Main theme of the thesis is the Czechoslovak Maneuvers in 1936. The thesis is divided into seven chapters. The first chapter focuses on the creation of Czechoslovak army, the perion 1918-1932. The second chapter targets the reorganization of army in the period 1932-1936. The Third chapter is dedicated to the issue of armed forces in the period of the Austrian emperor.The fourth chapter is focused on the Czechoslovak Maneuvres in 1936 and research preparations, course, and made knowleges from the great interwar's maneuvres of Czechoslovak army. The fifth chapter closes arbitration service in the maneuvres. The sixth chapter deals with foreign's delegations on maneuvers and finally the seventh chapter is devoted to attitude and reakcions of czechoslovak's press and mankind.

Esta tese tem como objetivo central analisar, através das folhas operárias que circularam no Amazonas na Primeira República, como os seus militantes estabeleceram contatos, conexões e interações e, no seio dos circuitos desenhados, elaboraram e fizeram circular projetos de identidade operária que, de forma imbricada, tinham como finalidade a criação de espaços políticos legítimos de mudança social. Para isso, utilizou-se a imprensa operária como tema e objeto central de análise e reflexão histórica, abordando-a numa perspectiva que a toma como objeto e fonte de estudo concomitantemente. Desse modo, num primeiro momento, procurou-se identificar os militantes que estavam por trás dos jornais voltados aos trabalhadores para, em seguida, entender como eles costuraram relações com lideranças de outros estados e até de outros países. Nesse intento, a análise de redes sociais foi importante, pois possibilitou a visualização dos contatos, das conexões e das interações da militância operária, contribuindo, assim, para a compreensão da movimentação de ideias sociais e políticas que dinamizaram o movimento operário local Em seguida, certificou-se que, nas redes visualizadas, a fração organizada dos operários elaborou (e fez circular nelas) projetos de identidade operária que caminharam em duas direções: a primeira, de unidade do operariado em geral, vislumbrava o reconhecimento e a distinção em relação a outros setores sociais (sobretudo o patronato e as “classes perigosas”) e tinha como pilar a posição de que o trabalhador era o elemento propulsor da sociedade, criador da riqueza e do “progresso” de um país; o segundo, de diferenças e distinções internas (entre os trabalhadores), evidenciava a diversidade existente no mundo do trabalho. Para perceber esse processo foi utilizado o conceito de projeto e de identidade. Por fim, verificou-se que essas conexões e interações estabelecidas pelas lideranças e a construção de projetos de identidade direcionados aos operários surgiram no sentido de promover a constituição de espaços políticos que concorressem para mudanças sociais. Neste caso, utilizou-se a categoria de esfera pública na perspectiva habermasiana. Confirmou-se que as lideranças operárias intentavam constituir uma esfera pública, visando atingir os espaços deliberativos, de decisão política. / This thesis aims to analyze, through the workers' works that circulated in Amazonas in the First Republic, how its militants established contacts, connections and interactions and, within the circuits drawn, elaborated and circulated projects of worker identity that, in a way imbricated, aimed at creating legitimate political spaces for social change. For this, the working press was used as the central theme and object of analysis and historical reflection, approaching it in a perspective that takes it as object and source of study concomitantly. Thus, at first, we sought to identify the militants behind the workers' newspapers and then to understand how they sewed relations with leaders from other states and even from other countries. In this attempt, the analysis of social networks was important because it made possible the visualization of the contacts, connections and interactions of workers 'militancy, thus contributing to the understanding of the movement of social and political ideas that stimulated the local workers' movement Next, it was verified that in the networks seen, the organized fraction of the workers elaborated (and circulated in them) projects of workers' identity that walked in two directions: the first one, of unit of the working class in general, glimpsed the recognition and distinction in relation to other social sectors (especially the patronage and the "dangerous classes") and had as a pillar the position that the worker was the driving force of the society, creator of the wealth and "progress" of a country; the second, of internal differences and distinctions (among workers), showed the diversity in the world of work. To understand this process was used the concept of design and identity. Finally, it was verified that these connections and interactions established by the leaderships and the construction of projects of identity directed to the workers suggest in the sense of promoting the constitution of political spaces that concur for social changes. In this case, the category of public sphere in Habermasian perspective was used. It was confirmed that the workers' leaders tried to constitute a public sphere, aiming to reach the deliberative spaces, of political decision.

In the interwar period, Prague became one of the important centers of immigration from the former Russian empire, mostly thanks to the receptive stance of the fledgling republic and its political representation. This dissertation, dedicated to the visual art scene of "Russian Prague", does not confine itself to only consider artists who found themselves in exile in Czechoslovakia. Rather, it focuses on the position of Prague within the larger network of contacts of the Russian diaspora as such, and surveys relations of the local exile community with other émigré centers, especially Paris. By engaging perspectives of institutional frameworks, acquisition practices and strategies, as well as their political motivations, this study takes the Russian art collection of the Karásek Gallery, state purchases of Russian art, the Archive and Collection of Slavonic Art at the Slavonic Institute, the Scythian group and the permanent art exhibition of the Russian Cultural-Historical Museum as symptomatic examples that reveal the shifting boundaries of the notion of "Russian art outside Russia." It also brings the artistic production of the interwar period into conversation with that of the art traditions of pre-revolutionary Russia. All the described phenomena are characterized by rich international contacts and a...

The thesis is focused on the discoursive analysis of the Great Pardubice Steeplechase phenomenon. The race, which is considered to be the most difficult and the longest hurdle race on the European continent. In the introductory part is explained the metodology of discourse analysis, together with the technique of data collection. The work also includes a brief history of Par force hunting, which was the cause of this race creation. The empirical part of this thesis is focused on the analysis of articles from local newspapers of the period from 1880 to 2011. For greater clarity was divided into four chapters - four different historic periods - that influenced the development of the Great Pardubice Steeplechase. There is also a chapter analysing interviews contents, which were conducted on this topic. The work introduces the reader with an unusual view of this race, as the previously released publications were dedicated only to outstanding personalities whose fates were linked with the race. This piece is on the contrary focused on important aspects in its development, both in historical and social point of view.

[pt] O presente trabalho analisa a linguagem política republicana através de textos produzidos por Hermes da Fonseca, Rui Barbosa e seus correligionários no contexto da Campanha Civilista. Ao contrário da historiografia mais tradicional, buscaremos mostrar como os dois candidatos tinham ideias mais convergentes do que divergentes a respeito da república brasileira, apesar de suas formações profissionais distintas. Tal proximidade entre as ideias se deve ao fato de ambos participarem de uma mesma comunidade linguística (no sentido empregado por Pocock), onde tanto a política republicana como a nação vinham apresentadas de maneira bastante semelhantes. Foram as distintas inserções e as alianças que cada um estabeleceu com os grupos políticos regionais, então em embate, que continuaram sendo as principais responsáveis pela demarcação das suas diferenças durante a disputa presidencial. / [en] In this dissertation I analyze the republican political language through the texts produced by Hermes da Fonseca, Rui Barbosa, and their followers during the so-called Campanha Civilista. Unlike the traditional historiography, I will try to demonstrate that the ideas of both candidates about the Brazilian Republic were more convergent than divergent, despite their different professional backgrounds. Such similarity is due to the fact that both shared a same linguistic community (in the sense Pocock understands it) wherethe concept of republican politics and that one of nation appear in a very similar way. Their distinctalliances ans insertions among the regional political groups remained being responsible for the main differences they presented during this presidential campaign.

[pt] A presente tese procura compreender como Gilberto Freyre se comportou enquanto intelectual durante a conturbada década de 1920. A partir dos textos que Freyre escreveu para o jornal Diário de Pernambuco e da correspondência trocada com Oliveira Lima e José Lins do Rego, pergunta-se como Freyre reagiu diante da crise que se gestava no Brasil durante a década de 1920. Parte-se da hipótese de que Freyre foi profundamente afetado pelo contexto de crise em que estava inserido nos EUA e na Europa do pós-guerra, assim como na crise da Primeira República que encontra ao retornar para o Brasil em 1923. Se observou que nesses três contextos se encontrava movimentos culturais que questionavam a ideia geral de Progresso instada pelas ideologias de liberalismo e positivismo. A sua formação intelectual, junto do choque de encontrar sua cidade natal modificada pelo processo de modernização em curso, do qual já era crítico desde o EUA, confluem nos textos que escreveu para o mencionado jornal. Nesses textos, é possível observar o Freyre crítico social, acusando os males da modernização, do positivismo, do liberalismo, da democracia. A ideia de geração como recorte analítico se dá a partir da teoria de Mannheim, que relaciona as categorias de intelectual e de geração com momentos de transição social. Tal escolha foi estimulada pela percepção de que o próprio Freyre adotou uma narrativa geracional em seus textos da época. O que se pode perceber com essa pesquisa é que o jovem intelectual pernambucano, diante da crise que se observou no país, se posicionou como voz de uma grande geração – a geração da guerra. Papel que identifica também nos intelectuais do Rio e de São Paulo, consubstanciado em um dever de corrigir os excessos da geração de seus pais, isto é, a geração que fundou a República. A presente tese reafirma a partir da trajetória de Freyre o que outras pesquisas já haviam apontado: nesse período houve uma afluência de diversos grupos intelectuais e artísticos em torno da ideia de uma geração que possui a responsabilidade de constituir a identidade nacional. Para o jovem pernambucano, até aquele momento estava em voga a busca por um Progresso que era realizada a custo das tradições. Portanto, para a constituição dessa nacionalidade, Freyre sugere em seus textos a necessidade de retorno criativo à tradição dos avós, que teria sido negada pela geração de seus pais. Para ele a identidade nacional deveria ser compreendida a partir da comunhão entre as particularidades regionais – fundamento do Regionalismo. / [en] This thesis seeks to understand how Gilberto Freyre behaved as an intellectual during the troubled 1920s. Based on the texts Freyre wrote for the newspaper Diário de Pernambuco and the correspondence he exchanged with Oliveira Lima and José Lins do Rego, it asks how Freyre reacted to the crisis that was brewing in Brazil during the 1920s. It is based on the hypothesis that Freyre was profoundly affected by the context of crisis in which he found himself in the USA and post-war Europe, as well as by the crisis of the First Republic that he encountered on his return to Brazil in 1923. It was observed that in these three contexts there were cultural movements that questioned the general idea of Progress instilled by the ideologies of liberalism and positivism. His intellectual upbringing, together with the shock of finding his hometown changed by the modernization process underway, of which he had already been critical since the USA, converge in the texts he wrote for the newspaper. In these texts, it is possible to see Freyre as a social critic, accusing the evils of modernization, positivism, liberalism and democracy. The idea of generation as an analytical cut-off is based on Mannheim s theory, which relates the categories of intellectual and generation to moments of social transition; this choice was stimulated by the perception that Freyre himself adopted a generational narrative in his texts of the time. What can be seen from this research is that the young intellectual from Pernambuco, in the face of the crisis in the country, positioned himself as the voice of a great generation - the war generation. A role that he also identified in the intellectuals of Rio and São Paulo, embodied in a duty to correct the excesses of his parents generation, that is, the generation that founded the Republic. Based on Freyre s trajectory, this thesis reaffirms what other research has already pointed out: during this period there was an influx of various intellectual and artistic groups around the idea of a generation that had the responsibility of constituting the national identity. For the young man from Pernambuco, the blind search for Progress, which was achieved at the cost of traditions, had been in vogue until then. Therefore, for the constitution of this nationality, Freyre suggests in his texts the need for a creative return to the tradition of his grandparents, which had been denied by his parents generation. For him, national identity should be understood from the communion between regional particularities - the foundation of Regionalism.

The aim of this work is the analysis of a typology of characters in the serial novel, which was published in women's magazines in the interwar period. For this thesis were used methodology of quantitative content analysis and qualitative analysis of selected five novels to continue. The work was focused on the period 1931 - 1939. Obtained data were found identical types and features the characters used in contemporary novels to continue. They were found the common aspects of serial novels that formed the primary source material of this thesis. The research was obtained the basic data for working with literary figures of romantic fiction. In this work was prepared model the main male and female character appearing in the novels to continue. In this work was constructed the model of serial novel. Part of the thesis has brought an analysis of novels and their characters have been converted into a movie. This work confirmed the importance of the continuation novels, as a key department of women's periodicals in the interwar period. The contribution of this work is to analyze the most frequently used characters in the novels to continue. Grouping of most commonly used features can be used as a basis for the construction of literary characters red library and sentimental novels. Contribution of the work...

I write about the life story of Jan Uher (1891-1942), his pedagogic influence and his pedagogic heritage in my thesis. In the biographic part I describe the background of Jan Uher's childhood, the era of his secondary and University studies, the beginning of his career as a teacher and his activities in different social organizations (e.g. Sokol, YMCA,...). I also mention his travels abroad and other employments at Universities of Prague, Brno and Bratislava. And I can't leave out his engagement in fighting against the Nazism. In the second part of my thesis I focus on Jan Uher's pedagogic heritage. I describe the situation of the Czechoslovakian education in the years of "the first republic" and the reformative efforts of its educators' generation, especially Jan Uher's concepts. I also supply the list of his work published up to 1942 and introduce his pieces: The problems of discipline, The principles of American education, Secondary student and his world and The philosophy of national education.