The Right to leave and return (RLR) has been affirmed as a fundamental human right in several international instruments. While being a fundamental human right, each State has the sovereign right to regulate RLR in accordance with its own laws. The regulation of RLR, however, is not only an attribute of sovereignty but an issue with important political, economic and security implications for the State. Given its significance, it is understandable and desirable that States regulate RLR. The regulation must however take account of both the interests of the State and the human rights dimension of the right. This is an issue of balance. In the case of China, the country's communist political system has significantly affected the development of RLR and the country's approach to it. As a rule China's approach is restrictive. As part of its reform and 'opening up' policies, China has embarked on a range of reforms to liberalise RLR, but the reforms lack cohesion and focus, and remain restrictive. Given its peculiar past and complex social and economic conditions, China may have some justifications for its approach, but on balance, has more to gain from adopting a more liberal approach. The issue of RLR in China is crucial both for the future of China, and for development of RLR in the world. China's current policy's on RLR still reflects a closed culture. A more open policy is not only consistent with international human rights norms, but also a useful infrastructure for the country's place in the global economy. Great achievements over the last 25 years and encouraging developmental trends demand acceleration of reforms to protect RLR in China. A careful and well-coordinated migration strategy with a well-defined RLR focus could enhance China's economic progress as well as its international human rights image. When designing the reform strategy, the balance of the Western experience and Chinese realities needs to be finely kept. This thesis will explore the Chinese regulatory regime governing RLR to determine its consistency with international standards. The thesis is divided into 15 chapters. It investigates RLR in international migration law and practice; analyses RLR in the context of China, and identifies its driving factors; investigates the conditions and practical concerns relevant to the protection of RLR; and concludes with recommendations on how the Chinese regulatory regime governing RLR can be improved.

<p>The aim of this bachelor thesis is to make a theoretical analysis of the democratic development in the Iraqi Kurdistan and to distinguish its democratic character. It has occurred a radical change in the political structure after the Kurdish uprising in the northern region of Iraq in relation with the Kuwaiti war in 1991. The situation in the Kurdish region became more and more acute when they where exposed of international sanctions mandated under UN and economic embargo by the Baghdad regime. This political vacuum led ironically to the establishment of the political institutions in the region. The theoretical framework is constructed thru the democratic theory presented in Robert Dahls discussion of polyarki and Arend Lijpharts theory of consociational democracy. Thus my method of this thesis is a qualitative case-study research. The empirical sources contain one interview and the rest is different types of documents. The result of the study shows that the Kurdish democracy contains elements of polyarki and consociational democracy, but it fails on the fundamental democratic principle: freedom of speech. Even though there are insufficiencies in the freedom of speech, the Kurdish democracy can be classified as a developing democracy.</p>

Thesis (S.T.M.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 2006. / Page [57] blank/missing. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [58]-63).

Thesis (Ed. D.)--Lehigh University, 2006. / Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 217-223).

<p>Denna uppsats avhandlar 1st Marine Division och deras väg in i Irak under operation Iraqi Freedom. Syftet med uppsatsen är att verifiera om det var konceptet manöverkrigföring som 1st Marine Division använde sig av under invasionen? Det har sagts att amerikanerna använde sig av manöverkrigföring i denna operation. Jag ställer mig mer frågande om det verkligen var det konceptet som de använde sig av.</p><p>För att svara på frågeställningen har jag först beskrivit vad manöverkrigföring är, därefter har jag gjort en fallstudie på 1st Marine Division och deras agerande under invasionen av Irak 2003. Vi följer divisionen från utgångsgrupperingen i Kuwait tills divisionen är inne i Bagdad. Detta utspelar sig från 21 mars 2003 till 10 april 2003.</p><p>Resultatet som jag kom fram till visar att det finns tydliga tendenser som visar att konceptet manöverkrigföring användes. Men det finns även tendenser som pekar på motsatsen.</p> / <p>This report describes the incursion of the First Marine Division in Iraq under "Operation Iraqi Freedom". It has been claimed that "manoeuvre warfare" was the main strategy used by the Marines during this operation. I question if this was indeed the approach.</p><p>In my analysis I first describe what we mean by "manoeuvre warfare". I then analyse the activities of the First Marine Division during the invasion of Iraq from pre- attack assembly area in Kuwait on March 21st 2003 until their entrance in Bagdad in April 10th 2003.</p><p>The result of my analyses shows that there are clear indications of the use of "manoeuvre warfare". However there are also indications that show that the opposite is true.</p>

The present dissertation deals with the factors influencing the professional careers of merchants and craftsmen working in the Swedish town of Sundsvall between 1850 and 1900. The most important hypotheses are: To what degree did social origins influence an entrepreneur's opportunities for running his business? How many of the children of these businessmen assumed and maintained their parents' social status upon attaining adulthood? What significance did the entrepreneur's spouse have for his business activities? To what degree were his economic activities influenced by joining local voluntary associations? By combining data culled from the parish registers of the Swedish Lutheran Church, the poll tax registers and the primary source material for national trade statistics, the author has been able to identify the individuals who worked as entrepreneurs in Sundsvall during the period under investigation, what they paid in business income tax each year, the professional titles they possessed and the places in which they and their relatives resided during their lifetimes. The results show that the majority of the most successful younger entrepreneurs active in the town before the introduction of freedom of trade in Sweden in the year 1864 were mostly immigrants from other parts of the country, who had furthermore come from relatively modest backgrounds. However, the social and geographic origins of these entrepreneur's wives has prpven to be of central significance to the success of the business, in instances where she had been raised in a business family from Sundsvall. The profes­sional skill of the entrepreneur together with his wife's familiarity with the town, in all likelihood also combined with her inherited cultural capital, contributed to creating a de­mand from the local populace for the goods or services sold by the company. / digitalisering@umu

The purpose of this thesis is to delineate Taylor¡¦s reasoning on the concept of freedom. I start by explicating Taylor¡¦s thesis of philosophical anthropology to illustrate how he answers the question: ¡§what is human agency?¡¨ Based on this ontological condition, Charles Taylor begins his discussion of the predicament of modern freedom by tracing the transformation of moral and epistemological ideals since the seventeenth century. By picturing the trajectories of moral sources in Western modernity, he believes, it enables us to meaningfully reflect upon personal freedom in an age of pluralism. Taylor demonstrates how the Enlightenment and Romanticism have jointly shape the background understanding of modern freedom. Based on his diagnosis of the ambivalent nature of modern freedom, Taylor contends classic liberalism for its universalist and atomist understanding of freedom. He proposes a ¡§complex liberalism¡¨ that recognizes the ¡§embededness¡¨ of freedom, on the one hand, and acknowledges the fact that the moral ideal of being free has its intrinsic worth, on the other hand. The ideal of freedom, therefore, must be understood as a distinctively modern phenomenon that is constitutive of modern self-identity, rather than a freestanding principle independent of any substantial conceptions of the good.

Denna uppsats avhandlar 1st Marine Division och deras väg in i Irak under operation Iraqi Freedom. Syftet med uppsatsen är att verifiera om det var konceptet manöverkrigföring som 1st Marine Division använde sig av under invasionen? Det har sagts att amerikanerna använde sig av manöverkrigföring i denna operation. Jag ställer mig mer frågande om det verkligen var det konceptet som de använde sig av. För att svara på frågeställningen har jag först beskrivit vad manöverkrigföring är, därefter har jag gjort en fallstudie på 1st Marine Division och deras agerande under invasionen av Irak 2003. Vi följer divisionen från utgångsgrupperingen i Kuwait tills divisionen är inne i Bagdad. Detta utspelar sig från 21 mars 2003 till 10 april 2003. Resultatet som jag kom fram till visar att det finns tydliga tendenser som visar att konceptet manöverkrigföring användes. Men det finns även tendenser som pekar på motsatsen. / This report describes the incursion of the First Marine Division in Iraq under "Operation Iraqi Freedom". It has been claimed that "manoeuvre warfare" was the main strategy used by the Marines during this operation. I question if this was indeed the approach. In my analysis I first describe what we mean by "manoeuvre warfare". I then analyse the activities of the First Marine Division during the invasion of Iraq from pre- attack assembly area in Kuwait on March 21st 2003 until their entrance in Bagdad in April 10th 2003. The result of my analyses shows that there are clear indications of the use of "manoeuvre warfare". However there are also indications that show that the opposite is true.

This project is primarily exegetical in nature and aims to provide a rational reconstruction of the concept of moral responsibility in the work of Immanuel Kant, specifically in his Critique of Pure Reason (CPR), Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals (GR), and Critique of Practical Reason (CPrR). It consists of three chapters – the first chapter interprets the concept of freedom that follows from the resolution to the Third Antinomy in the CPR. It argues that Kant is best understood here to be providing an unusual but cogent, compatibilist account of freedom that the author terms meta-compatibilism. The second chapter examines the GR and CPrR to interpret the theory of practical reason and moral agency that Kant develops in these works. This chapter concludes by evaluating what has been established about Kant’s ideas of freedom and moral agency at that point in the project, identifying some problems and objections in addition to providing some suggestions for how Kantian ethics might be adapted within a consequentialist framework. The third chapter argues that, for Kant, there are two necessary and jointly sufficient conditions (in addition to a compatibilist definition of freedom) that must obtain for an individual to qualify as responsible for her actions.

This is a rhetorical study of President George W. Bush’s use of the - ideographic dialectic in his appeals for support for war in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as reelection in 2004. I argue that President Bush’s use of the - dialectic in each case provided him with specific rhetorical resources that enhanced his ability to seek support from the four discourse communities that constitute the foreign policy public: unilateralists, multilateralists, regionalists and coalition builders. The terministic flexibility of the ideographic dialectic worked well enough to encourage meanings in each foreign policy discourse community that were consonant with that group’s worldview. This allowed Bush to appeal to the disparate groups and appear as though he advocated their desired policies, when in fact, he did not promote any specific policy. This project contributes to the theoretical understanding of the ideograph by complicating the concept of the public. Further, it adds credence to claims that the War on Terror is a never-ending war.