Esta tese se constitui na sistematização de um pensamento ético à partir de alguns escritos de Leibniz. O texto estabelece uma relação entre os conceitos de Deus e Mônada nos escritos leibnizianos, como ocasião para desenvolver, partindo destas noções fundamentais, as condições teóricas de pensar uma ética. Em um primeiro momento, destaca-se o conceito de mônada, em sua estrutura ontológica e em seu modo apresentação como uma entidade simples, mas extremamente complexa. A substância para Leibniz, pela figura da mônada torna-se o modelo para pensar a realidade. A idéia de Deus aparece em seguida, como o alicerce racional no qual as substâncias existem e agem. Leibniz promove uma apologia de Deus em torno da racionalidade pela qual o mundo se ordena. A totalidade, representada por Deus, permite para Leibniz expor o perspectivismo e a identidade única de cada substância. A ética surge da possibilidade de relacionar os conceitos de mônada, indivíduo, homem, razão e liberdade no pensamento leibniziano. / This thesis is the systematization of ethical thought from some writings of Leibniz. This text establishes a relationship between the concepts of God and Monad in Leibnizian writings, as an opportunity to develop, based on these fundamental concepts, the theoretical conditions of ethical thinking. At first, there is the concept of monad, in its ontological structure and its presentation mode as a single entity, but extremely complex. The substance to Leibniz, the figure of the Monad becomes the model for thinking the reality. The idea of God appears, then as the rational foundation on which substances exist and also act. Leibniz promotes an apology from the idea of God as the rationality of the way in which the world is ordered. The totality, represented by God, allows for Leibniz expose perspectivism and the unique identity of each substance. Ethics arises from the possibility of relating the concepts of Monad, individual, man, reason and freedom in Leibnizs thought.

O principal objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar alguns das principais idéias envolvidas no labirinto da liberdade, um dos assuntos de grande destaque dentro da filosofia leibniziana. Por um lado, Leibniz sempre defendeu a máxima racionalidade de todos os fatos, o que acaba por indicar que todos estes estão absolutamente predeterminados. Por outro, ele procurou mostrar que todos os seres racionais são moralmente responsáveis pelos seus atos conforme suas vontades. Por meio de um grande esforço conceitual, Leibniz procurou conciliar a idéia de um destino, racionalmente delineável, junto à idéia de liberdade das ações dos seres racionais; ele não quis defender nem a pura necessidade e nem o puro acaso. O principal aliado nessa tarefa foi o Princípio de Razão Suficiente. Este princípio ganhou foi fortalecido a partir do desenvolvimento do conceito das infinitas substâncias completas (entelechia, substância individuais, mônadas), que foi elaborado gradualmente ao longo da sua vida filosófica. Uma reconstrução básica de algumas das principais teses da metafísica leibniziana permite observar como as criaturas (especialmente as racionais) passaram a ser consideras as legítimas responsáveis por suas ações, sem que o mundo representasse uma espécie de caos. / The main goal of this dissertation is to investigate some aspects of the Labyrinth of Freedom, a key subject in the Philosophy of Leibniz. On one hand, Leibniz supported the maximum rationality of all events, meaning that they are all absolutely predetermined. On the other, he tried to show that rational beings are morally responsible for their actions, and that requires free will. Through an act of great intellectual effort Leibniz tried to conciliate an idea of all embracing destiny (rationally understood) and the concept of freedom. He resisted admitting a vision of the world driven either by absolute necessity or lost to pure chance. His main ally in this task was the Principle of Sufficient Reason. This principle gained strength from the development of the concept of infinite substances (entelechia, individual substance, monades) that was gradually forged throughout the philosopher\'s life. A brief reconstruction of some of the main features of Leibniz´s metaphysics allows us to perceive how all creatures (especially rational ones) could be seen to be truly responsible for what they do and the choices they make in a rationally structured world.

O objetivo principal desta pesquisa é analisar o problema da liberdade nas obras de Paulo Freire escrita até 1970, compreendendo o percurso de apropriação que este educador fez da Psicologia Humanista de Erich Fromm. Trata-se de uma pesquisa histórica, circunscrita no âmbito da História da Educação e da Psicologia do Século XX. Como fontes, utilizamos as obras dos autores em questão focando-nos em dois aspectos: a) na apreensão dos problemas que interessavam ambos os autores e nas soluções dadas pelos mesmos naquele contexto histórico; b) no entendimento das hipóteses e expectativas que consideravam como válidas. O estudo realizado evidenciou-nos que ambos os autores partiram de suas realidades, transformando suas reflexões em contribuições concretas para interpretar o problema da liberdade. Ambos viveram a crise profunda do mundo contemporâneo causada pelo terror do totalitarismo e da ideologia, cuja perversidade ameaçou a liberdade humana e o funcionamento de uma sociedade democrática e que se traduziu no campo intelectual pelo esfacelamento da tradição filosófica e religiosa. Ambos utilizaram novos métodos para justificarem a busca da resposta ao problema da liberdade em um século marcado pela violência. Embora a matriz ontológica do conceito de liberdade de Freire seja diferente de Fromm, contrariando nossa hipótese inicial de trabalho, Freire, encontra na psicologia humanista de Fromm uma possibilidade de reflexão sobre a questão educacional brasileira, partindo da história de sua tradição educacional e da inexperiência democrática do povo brasileiro, numa ótica interdisciplinar, com base filosófica antropológica e oferece categorias psicológicas para análise da formação da consciência dos indivíduos, ponto chave da liberdade humana, extremamente necessária para a educação de uma sociedade democrática. / The main objective of this research paper is to analyze the problem of freedom in Paulo Freire\'s works written until 1970, encompassing the trajectory of appropriation that this educator does upon Erich Fromm\'s Humanist Psychology. It is about a historical research, circumscribed in the scope of History of Education and Psychology and 20th Century. As sources, works of the authors mentioned have been used focusing primarily on two aspects: a) apprehension of the problems that were of interest to both authors and the solutions provided by both of them in that historical context; b) understanding of the hypotheses and expectations that were considered valid. The study has evidenced that both authors had as a starting point their own realities, transforming their reflections in concrete contributions to interpret the problem of freedom. Both lived the profound crisis of the contemporary world caused by the terror of totalitarianism and ideology, whose perversity threatened human freedom and functionalism of a democratic society and that translated itself in the intellectual field by the shredding of philosophical and religious tradition. Both used new methods to justify the search for the answer to the problem of freedom in a century stained by violence. Even though the ontological matrix of Freire\'s concept of freedom is different from Fromm\'s, contradicting the initial hypothesis of this paper, not only does Freire find in Fromm\'s humanist psychology a possibility to reflect upon the Brazilian educational problem, starting from the history of its educational tradition and the democratic inexperience from the Brazilian people, under an interdisciplinary view, with its anthropological philosophical foundation, but he also offers psychological categories to the human analysis for the formation of consciousness in individuals, key fact to the human freedom, extremely necessary to the education of a democratic society.

No Renascimento, o surgimento de um senso histórico que pensava os antigos em seus termos próprios, e a ideia de que seria preciso imitar os antigos, não resultaram em apenas uma posição humanista, qual seja, aquela tendência que foi predominante e que enfatizava o poder da liberdade humana sobre os caprichos da Fortuna. Também surgiu um ponto de vista trágico, no qual se insere Maquiavel e que possuirá importantes aspectos comuns com a recuperação do trágico entre os alemães do século XIX. O ponto de vista trágico levou Maquiavel a pensar a república como arena institucional-legal que permite um equilíbrio tenso e criativo entre forças sociais opostas, capaz de canalizar as ambições para o bem comum, fazendo com que a vitalidade expansiva dos cidadãos colabore para a vitalidade expansiva da república. / In the Renaissance, the emergence both of a historical sense that made it possible to regard the Ancients according to their own standards, and of the notion that it would be necessary to emulate them resulted not only in a humanist attitude, i.e. the predominant disposition at that time, which emphasized the power of human freedom over the whims of Fortune. It also brought to light a tragic point of view, in which Machiavelli partakes, which will have important common traits with the retrieval of the tragic among the XIX century Germans. The tragic point of view lead Machiavelli to think the Republic as a legal-institutional arena which allows a taut and creative equilibrium between opposite social forces, capable of directing the aspirations for the common good, making the expansive vitality of the citizens collaborate with the expansive vitality of the Republic.

A presente pesquisa visa compreender o pensamento ético-político de Alexis de Tocqueville, no que diz respeito ao desenvolvimento da liberdade do cidadão no Estado democrático para, então, discutir a estreita relação estabelecida entre Estado democrático, liberdade e justiça. O interesse nesta discussão advém de uma dificuldade que a análise tocquevilliana da democracia traz à luz: por um lado o Estado democrático fundamenta-se necessariamente numa relação de harmonia entre a liberdade e a igualdade, por outro lado, tal harmonia é bastante problemática, pois exige dos homens virtudes cívicas opostas às propensões que dispõem naturalmente neste Estado. A falta destas virtudes isola os cidadãos e a conseqüência é o surgimento de um Estado despótico que, aniquilando suavemente a capacidade dos homens pensarem e agirem por si mesmos junto com seus semelhantes, os degrada. Para equacionar esta dificuldade Tocqueville, sem qualquer desprezo às características dos tempos democráticos, mas ciente da necessidade de conter as tendências desagregadoras destes tempos, admite a necessidade de educar o indivíduo para torná-lo um cidadão virtuoso. Aceitando que a virtude possa advir do interesse, faz-se necessário formar, pela ação dos próprios cidadãos concernidos, costumes e crenças que os projetem para além de si mesmos, que os façam reconhecer, no respeito à igual liberdade de todos demais, um critério de justiça adequado ao Estado democrático e à dignidade humana. Mas, se justo é a igual liberdade impõe-se que aceitemos o Estado democrático como radicalmente inacabado, sujeito à revezes e incertezas, posto que implica a permanente abertura ao diferente, à tolerância e ao pluralismo. / This thesis aims at understanding the ethical and political thought of Alexis de Tocqueville as far as the development of the citizen\'s freedom in the democratic state is concerned. This provides a basis for a discussion about the close relationship between democratic state, freedom, and justice. The interest in such a discussion comes from an issue raised by the tocquevillian analysis of democracy: if, on the one hand, the democratic state is necessarily based on a harmonious relationship between freedom and equality, on the other, such harmonious relationship is rather problematic because it demands from the citizens civic virtues which are opposed to their natural dispositions. The lack of such civic virtues isolates the citizens from each other, and can lead to the emergence of a despotic state, which degrades men because it subtly annihilates their ability to think and act by themselves. Without showing any disregard for the characteristics of democratic times, Tocqueville is aware of the necessity to limit the disruptive tendencies of those days and admits the need to educate men to make them become virtuous citizens. Accepting that virtue results from interest, then it becomes necessary that the concerned citizens develop a set of customs and beliefs which project them beyond themselves and make them recognize a criterium for justice which is appropriate to the democratic state and to human dignity. However fair equal freedom, one might accept that the democratic state is an unfinished business, subject to setbacks and uncertainties, and its future depends a great deal on mens ability to deal with difference, with tolerance and pluralism

The thesis will show how Jennifer Dawson's fiction of the 1960s and '70s explores the effects of the overlapping dialects of the normalizing discourse, interlocking manifestations of constraint that consolidate themselves through internalization on a continuum that underpins, generates, perpetuates and constitutes perceptions of `the social. ' A Laingian reading of the scapegoating of perceived dissenters, to invalidate or ideally to pre-empt implied dissent and to confirm in their membership the members of `the group, ' will be applied to illuminate the response provoked by Dawson's protagonists, semantically discredited by a continuum of coercive structures that range from the psychiatric to the dynamic of individual relationships. A Foucauldian analysis of the transition of the maintenance of the status quo from identifiable applications of force to democratized formulations of normalizing power to an internalization of the panoptic principle will further contextualize the dilemmas and tensions of Dawson's protagonists, on whose experience Procrustean identities are systematically if subtly imposed. A Foucauldian perspective will be used to cast light on the feelings of deadlock addressed in the novels, where the tendency of power to incite identification makes a locus of authentic resistance elusive and hard to sustain. This perspective will also inform how Dawson's fiction dramatizes the futility of resistance that fails to engage at the level of form and which thus reinforces power's underlying paradigm, even on the sites of its ostensible subversion. The thesis will demonstrate how her novels increasingly reflect the Laingian concept of contextual intelligibility, revealing how the targets and transmission wires of the normalizing drive are fully enmeshed in power's dynamic structure. Foucault's emphasis on the interstitial will be applied to show how, in her fiction of the `70s, the mutual impact of individual lives is portrayed as not only constraining but also as potentially inspiring. Her protagonists move towards a conscious awareness of the need to forge and activate an interstitial perspective, symbolized initially by music, from which to transcend collusion with the normalizing drive. Only when `freedom' is understood to be not a destination but an attitude of mind do her protagonists emerge from the impasse of complicity and develop a receptiveness to genuine exchange and a view of themselves as more than merely acted upon but as potential definers and inhabitants of their experience.

[pt] O objetivo dessa dissertação é analisar os conceitos de liberdade e de verdade presentes na obra filosófica de René Descartes. Propondo, num primeiro momento, uma nova possibilidade interpretativa para o conceito de liberdade e, posteriormente, investigar possíveis ocorrências de problemas conceituais envolvendo o conceito de verdade quando relacionado com a concepção de liberdade por nós apresentada. / [en] This work aims at analyzing the concepts of freedom and truth present in the philosophical work of René Descartes. In a first moment, I propose a new possibility of interpreting the concept of freedom and, afterwards, an investigation of possible occurrences of conceptual problems involving the concept of truth when related with that new concept of freedom.

Change has become a much more prevalent feature of Higher Education (HE) with many trends apparent, including the focus on institutional management and leadership; changes in decision-making approaches; institutional re-structuring; and increased bureaucratisation. Yet, while the literature provides some understanding of how HE change is impacting upon institutions, the consequences of such change for the traditional values of academic life and work represents an under-researched aspect of HE in Ireland. To address this gap in understanding, a case study of the School of Business at University College Dublin (UCD), involving semi-structured interviews with academics and manager-academics, was undertaken. The aim of the research was to determine how, and to what extent, change in HE is impacting upon academic staff. The research explored the changing involvement of academics in decision-making and the impact of such change on traditional notions of collegiality; and examined the changes taking place in the role of the academic, including their academic freedom. The research provides evidence of a period of sustained institutional change at UCD and draws attention to the considerable tension surrounding the top-down manner in which change was implemented and the lack of involvement of academics throughout the change process. The research has contributed to our understanding of the changing HE landscape in Ireland and highlights the increasing tension between the traditional values of academics and the changing shape of university life. While the research evidence acknowledges that the level of academic freedom has somewhat contracted, it draws attention to the substantial loss of involvement of academics in School decision-making; the decline in collegiality; the increase in routine administrative duties and greater work intensification; and the increased emphasis on research productivity.

Master essay "Freedom and autonomy in work of Jean-Paul Sartre" engages Sartre's literature and drama. It is trying to find some elements of the author's philosophy, which are included in his stories. Because of that, I indicated some significant thematic spheres based on author s phil- osophical works - Freedom and responsibility of human; Feeling of anxiety and subsequent insincerity; Freedom in interpersonal relationships. Significantly I observed the presence of mentioned themes during detailed analysis of Sartre's fictions and dramas. I managed to prove that Sartre's literature and dramas don't just include mentioned thematic elements, but it is even adapted to display these philosophical themes in the stories, novels or dramas. It confirms the thesis that Sartre was creating his literature and dramas to spread his own philosophical ideas to whole society. Personally, I evaluate this as the big contribution of the author.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-06-16T19:20:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 William de Jesus Costa Freitas_.pdf: 676655 bytes, checksum: 642d1876c089bd163e3e99afcfe9e99f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-16T19:20:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 William de Jesus Costa Freitas_.pdf: 676655 bytes, checksum: 642d1876c089bd163e3e99afcfe9e99f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-01-12 / Nenhuma / No contexto de Maquiavel observamos a decadência da cristandade, da ascensão do capitalismo, do desenvolvimento dos estados nacionais, onde os soberanos locais são absorvidos pelo fortalecimento das monarquias e pela crescente centralização das instituições políticas. Maquiavel como pensador empírico, observa a consolidação do poder central na Inglaterra e França, sendo que o mesmo não ocorre na sua querida cidade, a Itália que se apresenta como sendo um conglomerado de pequenas cidadesestados rivais, disputadas pelo Papa, Alemanha, França e Espanha. Disputa que favorece os particularismos, mas se torna catastrófica para o destino da península. Percebe a existência de uma racionalidade instrumental no homem que o leva a buscar êxitos sem se importar com valores éticos. Fato este que o leva a pensar em uma natureza humana decaída pela maldade. De homens levianos, cobardes, ingratos, invejosos que é preciso estar sempre preparado para tudo, isto é, para o pior, da parte deles. Diante desta realidade o florentino vai se tornar o precursor de duas importantes ideias de teoria política, ligadas entre si, ambas expressas em suas obras. A primeira, de que só o poder controla o poder é a única arma que conta. A segunda ideia é que a discórdia interna é inerente aos governos livres. Neste sentido Maquiavel se torna revolucionário contra uma tradição que estigmatizava a discórdia como “tumulto”, primando pela harmonia e pela unidade. Preocupado com a situação da Itália Maquiavel sente a necessidade de uma mão firme capaz de confrontar a fortuna, considerada pelo florentino como contingência própria das ações humanas e não mais manifestações de Deus. Pensa também a necessidade de um estado com poder central e soberano que tem na figura do príncipe a constituição dos seus atos de governo como atos de soberania. Nos atos de governo do príncipe, há de fato mais que a manifestação de seu domínio da arte de governar; o príncipe está na origem do poder político e deve estabelecer que – no interior de seu principado, assim como nas relações que este mantem com as outras potencias – ele é sua origem única ou ao menos domina suas fontes. Dai, no exercício do poder deve fazer uso dos instrumentos necessários que possam mantê-lo com maior tempo possível no poder e que possa garantir a estabilidade do Estado. Considerando o exposto, a presente dissertação tem como proposito categorizar os instrumentos adequados para o êxito do governante. Antes porem fez-se necessário contextualizar o autor, pois foi em decorrência dos acontecimentos na sua terra natal que Maquiavel pensou a política moderna, o poder, a necessidade do estado, o bom governante e os instrumentos a serem utilizados. A abordagem metodológica partiu de uma revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema, utilizando-se de fontes primárias (as obras escritas por Maquiavel) e fontes secundárias (comentadores). / In the context of Machiavelli observed the decay of Christianity, capitalism’s rise, the development of national states, where local rulers are absorbed by the strengthening of the monarchies and the increasing centralization of political institutions. Machiavelli as empirical thinker, notes the consolidation of central power in England and France, and the same is not true in their beloved city, Italy which appears to be a conglomeration of small rival city-states, disputed by the Pope, Germany, France and Spain. Dispute favoring particularism, but becomes catastrophic for the fate of the peninsula. Realize the existence of an instrumental rationality in man which leads him to seek success without caring about ethical values. This fact leads him to think of a fallen human nature by evil. In vain men, cowardly, ungrateful, envious that we must always be prepared for anything, that is, for the worst of them. Given this reality the Florentine will become the precursor of two major political theory of ideas, linked together, both expressed in his works. The first, that only the power controls the power is the only weapon that counts. The second idea is that the internal discord is inherent in free governments. In this sense Machiavelli becomes revolutionary against a tradition that stigmatized discord as “turmoil”, striving for harmony and unity. Concerned about the situation in Italy Machiavelli feels the need for a firm hand able to confront the fortune, considered by Florentine as own contingency of human actions and not manifestations of God. Also think the need for a state with central and sovereign power you have in Prince include the establishment of their acts of government as sovereign acts. Acts of the prince government, there is indeed more than the manifestation of his mastery of the art of government; Prince is the source of political power and should provide that - within their first, and in relations that this keeps with the other powers - it is your only source or at least dominates their sources. Hence, the exercise of power should make use of the necessary tools that can keep it as long as possible in power and that can guarantee state stability. Considering the above, this thesis has as purpose categorize the appropriate tools for the success of the ruler. Before however it was necessary to contextualize the author because it was a result of the events in his homeland that Machiavelli modern political thought, the power, the need of the state, the good ruler and the instruments to be used. The methodological approach started from a literature review on the topic, using primary sources (the works written by Machiavelli) and secondary sources (commentators).