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Politics and social life are essentially about decision making, but great parts of that which politics aims to govern, that which social life revolves around and that which is studied in political science is not necessarily the result of conscious decisions. This some philosophers and political theorists would attribute to spontaneous order, arguing that certain norms, customs and institutions have evolved as the result of human action without, for that matter, being the result of human design. The theory of spontaneous order was primarily developed by the Austrian-British philosopher and economist Friedrich Hayek (1899–1992). To him, spontaneous order was a way of solving problems with information deficits in society as well as an important part of his economic, political and institutional theory. However, Hayek’s social theory, which is largely based on the idea of spontaneous order, gives rise to a number of questions. The purpose of this essay is to examine the relationship between individual freedom, constitutionalism and spontaneous order in Friedrich Hayek’s social theory, and to critically evaluate this relationship in the light of that same theory. The purpose is achieved through critical analysis and by answering the following three questions: How does individual freedom, constitutionalism and spontaneous order relate to each other according to Hayek? Is Hayek’s proposal for constitutional design logically compatible with the theory of spontaneous order? Are there institutions, according to Hayek, that limit individual freedom, but are legitimate nevertheless by virtue of having developed spontaneously? The general conclusion of the essay is that Hayek’s proposal for constitutional design is logically compatible with the theory of spontaneous order, and that the principles of individual freedom, constitutionalism and spontaneous order are related to each other in a logically valid manner, but that the other institutions that Hayek proposes give rise to contradictions and indeterminacy vis-à-vis the fundamental principles of his theory.

This thesis examines Augustine and Friedrich Hayek’s notion of subjectivity in the context of cultural translation theory, following Talal Asad. Previous researchers have related Hayek to political theology and economic theology by observing the notion of market’s divinizing implications and tendencies, often through generalized methods of analysis and allegorical comparison. Research treating neoliberal subjectivity seldom considers it building on Christian theological notions. Given the lack of research on the given topic, more specific the relationship between theological and neoliberal understandings of subjectivity, it is pertinent to examine neoliberal subjectivity as expressed by Hayek, by comparing to saint Augustine. By a close reading of one of western societies most important theologians, Augustine, and comparing to Hayek’s economic vision of society, this study examines how Augustine and Hayek interact by using cultural translation as a methodological framework. Augustine’s notion of God, and Hayek’s notion of the market, is analyzed as explicitly proposing, or implicitly presupposing, notions of subjectivity. Translatability and untranslatability are used as methodological concepts for discussing where Augustine and Hayek’s notions overlap and where they differ. This study demonstrates that Hayek’s understanding of subjectivity in relation to the market has comparable aspects with Augustine’s understanding of human subjectivity in relation to God. Though some aspects where the authors differ, such as the understanding of knowledge, might be described as untranslatable. Use of cultural translation theory, allows for important nuances in the relationship between theology and economic understandings of subjectivity to transpire in analysis.

Les principes néolibéraux fondés sur la mise en concurrence des individus les uns contre les autres ont contribué aux profonds bouleversements du monde du travail depuis les années 1970, autant dans ses dimensions objectives (conditions de travail) que dans ses dimensions subjectives (rapport au travail). Michel Foucault et plus tard Pierre Dardot et Christian Laval ont fait l’analyse de la généalogie de la pensée néolibérale, construisant l’idée qu’un « sujet néolibéral » allait émerger, dont la caractéristique serait l’adoption d’un ethos entrepreneurial. À l’aide d’entrevues semi-dirigées, le terrain d’analyse de la représentation pharmaceutique fut sélectionné, car il a été jugé particulièrement propice à l’émergence d’un tel ethos, alors que les entreprises de cette industrie encouragent l’adoption d’initiatives entrepreneuriales. L’analyse du corpus d’entretien a permis l’émergence de trois ethos idéal-typiques, soit « le compétitif », « la carriériste » et « le familial ». Ces ethos ont illustré la diversité des rapports au travail que nous pourrions retrouver dans la société québécoise. Ce travail de recherche permet d’avancer les réflexions critiques sur le néolibéralisme et ses répercussions sur notre rapport individuel et collectif au travail. / Neo-liberal principles based on competition between individuals against each other have contributed to the profound changes in the world of work since the 1970s, both in its objective dimensions (working conditions) and in its subjective dimensions (relationship to work). Michel Foucault and later Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval analyzed the genealogy of neo-liberal thought, constructing the idea that a "neo-liberal subject" would emerge, whose characteristic would be the adoption of an entrepreneurial ethos. Using semi-structured interviews, the field of analysis of pharmaceutical representation was selected because it was deemed particularly conducive to the emergence of such an ethos, as companies in this industry encourage the adoption of entrepreneurial initiatives. The analysis of the interview corpus led to the emergence of three ideal-typical ethos, namely "the competitive", "the careerist" and "the family man or woman". These ethos illustrated the diversity of relationships at work that we could find in Quebec society. This research work makes it possible to advance critical reflections on neoliberalism and its repercussions on our individual and collective relationship to work.

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