Despite global progress on gender equality, women continue to be underrepresented in politics and business. One widely debated policy measure aimed at tackling this issue is statutory gender quotas for the boards of directors of listed companies – so-called corporate quotas – which have been adopted in more than a dozen countries worldwide, yet remain understudied in the gender and politics literature. This thesis addresses that research gap and explores the broader impacts of corporate quota policies, in particular whether a quota law increases companies’ attention to gender equality and women-friendly workplace policies in areas beyond the boardroom. Focusing on the case of Germany, which adopted a corporate quota law in 2015, I use companies’ annual and sustainability reports to measure corporate attention to gender equality over a period of ten years (2011–2020). I exploit variation in the scope of the German law by employing a difference-in-differences method to compare outcomes for companies targeted by the quota law and companies that fell outside of the law’s reach, before and after quota adoption. Contrary to theoretical expectations and earlier research, no significant effects are found, indicating that German companies’ inclination to work with gender equality and women-friendly workplace policies remains largely unaffected by the quota policy. This suggests that although gender quotas may enhance women’s numerical representation by increasing the share of female members on corporate boards, they make little difference for firms’ broader gender equality work.

The purpose of this study is to analyze women’s political representation in Umeå City Council from 1913 to 1946. By analyzing patterns in the representation, it is defined how the representation at a local level has changed over time and why. The article argues that female representation is affected by several factors, especially institutions, structures and actors. The analysis is based on these three, and how they interact. To determine continuity or change in the female presence a qualitativevariable analysis of patterns is applied. The representation is compiled and analyzedusing descriptive statistics and bar graphs. Female representation is continuously low throughout the period studied. The political role of women is characterized bythe male dominance of politics. Women represented in the political areas that were considered lighter, or stereotypical women's territories.

Despite global progress on gender equality, women continue to be underrepresented in politics. One widely debated policy measure aimed at tackling this issue is gendered public funding – which has been adopted in more than 30 countries worldwide yet remains understudied in the literature on gender and politics. In this thesis, I address that research gap and examine the broader impact of electoral, political, and cultural factors on gendered political funding by conducting quantitative cross-national analyses. I used data from four different sources, such as the International IDEA Political Finance Database, the IDEA Quota Database, QOG, and V-Dem, to examine the relationship between these factors and the probability of gendered public funding adoption. It is evident from the findings of this thesis that the presence of quotas has a significant influence on determining the likelihood of adopting gender-specific public funding policies, with countries implementing quotas demonstrating a higher likelihood of adopting such policies. Contrary to theoretical expectations concerning electoral and cultural variables and earlier research, no significant effects are found. The thesis offers valuable insights into the interplay between political trends, electoral institutions, cultural dynamics, and financial mechanisms in shaping gender equality initiatives. While gender quotas may enhance the probability of gender public funding, exploring all relevant contextual factors is critical.

Women and local power: processes of mobilization and female political pathways in Turkey Type: Doctoral dissertation Author: Lucie Drechselová Institutions: Charles University and EHESS, Paris Year: 2018 Abstract This thesis focuses on the issue of women's under-representation in local politics in contemporary Turkey. The intermediary level of politics - party presence in municipalities - is studied with a double approach distinguishing among political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, and the pro-Kurdish HDP & DBP) as well as among cities (Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır). The Anglo-American body of literature in political sociology is put into dialogue with the French research in the fields of sociology of mobilization, of political elites and of institutions. Gendered perspective is transversal to the whole thesis. Field work was done in 2014, 2015 and 2016 in Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır and took the form of non-participant observation and semi-directed interviews with two hundred female municipal councilors and women holding an intra- party office. Conceptually, seeing parties as heterogeneous entities allows us to study exchanges that take place within the party hierarchy. The place and role of women in the candidate selection processes questions the artificial separation between the "local" and the "national"....

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:29:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Margap1a102.pdf: 959909 bytes, checksum: e6eaaf325a07c224421af9f5d3dfeb58 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation focuses on the impact of political communication in the press coverage during the pre-candidature of Dilma Vana Rousseff for president of Brazil. The objective is to verify the political marketing strategies used to promote the name of the pre-candidate, as depicted by the magazines Veja and CartaCapital between March of 2008 and April of 2010, period that preceded the official nomination of the president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva s successor. To develop the dissertation some concepts have been discussed, such as: political communication, electoral and political marketing, gender issues in politics and in the Brazilian society, and the female journey in the fight for equal rights that transformed the social imagery in relation to the women s role. Subjects such journalism and political cover in Brazil and a concise overview about political trajectory post-dictatorship in Brazil have also been considered besides the biographic profile of Dilma Rousseff. The importance of this research is in verifying how the pre-candidature of a woman to the highest public position in Brazil has echoed in the press, considering the difficulties and challenges of the female fight in the Brazilian politics. It is a quantitative and qualitative analysis with the use of content analysis, according to Laurence Bardin, that includes quantitative and qualitative perspectives. Through on the research it has been verified that the gender issue was one of the factors that positively influenced the election and, mainly, that the repercussion was positive to the political marketing intentions to promote the candidature of Dilma Rousseff to presidential succession. / A presente dissertação tem como tema o impacto da comunicação política na cobertura da grande imprensa durante a pré-candidatura de Dilma Vana Rousseff à presidência da República. O objetivo é verificar quais estratégias de marketing político utilizadas para viabilizar o nome da pré-candidata foram retratadas nas revistas Veja e CartaCapital entre março de 2008 e abril de 2010, período que antecedeu a indicação oficial da sucessora do então presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Para desenvolver a dissertação foram discutidos conceitos de comunicação política, marketing político e eleitoral, bem como as questões de gênero na política e na sociedade brasileira e o percurso feminino na luta pela igualdade de direitos, que transformaram o imaginário social em relação ao papel da mulher. Também foram tratados temas como jornalismo e cobertura política no Brasil e um breve panorama sobre a trajetória política do Brasil pós-ditadura, além do perfil biográfico de Dilma Rousseff. A importância desta pesquisa está justamente em verificar como repercutiu na imprensa a pré-candidatura de uma mulher ao cargo público mais elevado no país, considerando as dificuldades e os desafios da luta feminina na política brasileira. Trata-se de um estudo quantitativo e qualitativo, com uso de técnica de análise de conteúdo que de acordo com Laurence Bardin inclui perspectivas quantitativas e qualitativas. Com a pesquisa foi possível verificar que a questão do gênero foi um dos fatores que influenciaram positivamente as eleições e, principalmente que a repercussão obtida nas revistas foi positiva às intenções de marketing político para viabilizar a candidatura de Dilma Rousseff à sucessão presidencial.

Women and local power: processes of mobilization and female political pathways in Turkey Type: Doctoral dissertation Author: Lucie Drechselová Institutions: Charles University and EHESS, Paris Year: 2018 Abstract This thesis focuses on the issue of women's under-representation in local politics in contemporary Turkey. The intermediary level of politics - party presence in municipalities - is studied with a double approach distinguishing among political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, and the pro-Kurdish HDP & DBP) as well as among cities (Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır). The Anglo-American body of literature in political sociology is put into dialogue with the French research in the fields of sociology of mobilization, of political elites and of institutions. Gendered perspective is transversal to the whole thesis. Field work was done in 2014, 2015 and 2016 in Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır and took the form of non-participant observation and semi-directed interviews with two hundred female municipal councilors and women holding an intra- party office. Conceptually, seeing parties as heterogeneous entities allows us to study exchanges that take place within the party hierarchy. The place and role of women in the candidate selection processes questions the artificial separation between the "local" and the "national"....

Cette thèse étudie la question de la sous-représentation des femmes dans la politique locale dans la Turquie contemporaine. Le niveau intermédiaire du politique – l’implantation locale des partis à l’échelle des municipalités – est abordé à travers une double approche : une différenciation parmi les principaux partis politiques (AKP, CHP, MHP, et les partis pro-kurdes – HDP et DBP) et une autre parmi trois configurations locales (Izmir, Trabzon et Diyarbakır). Les travaux de la littérature sociologique anglo-américaine sont mis en dialogue avec la sociologie politique française du militantisme, du personnel politique et des institutions. La perspective genrée est adoptée à travers l’ensemble de la thèse. Les recherches de terrain se sont déroulées en 2014, 2015 et 2016 à Izmir, à Trabzon et à Diyarbakır et ont pris la forme d’observations non-participantes et d’entretiens semi-directifs avec quelques deux cent élues municipales et femmes responsables de partis politiques. Conceptuellement, l’approche relative aux partis en tant qu’entités hétérogènes permet de relever les échanges qui se déroulent à travers la hiérarchie partisane. La place et le rôle des femmes dans le processus de sélection des candidats permettent de remettre en question la séparation artificielle entre le « local » et le « national ». Il devient apparent que les profils et carrières des femmes politiques sont intrinsèquement liés aux modalités de leur accès au mandat électif, qui à leur tour façonnent les manières par lesquelles les élues se saisissent de leur rôle. Les ethos partisans différenciés contribuent également à privilégier certaines stratégies d’action individuelle et collective sur d’autres. La recherche conclut que pour expliquer le niveau et les modalités de représentation féminine locale, le critère « partisan » prime sur les configurations locales, même si les deux perspectives sont in fine indissociables. / This thesis focuses on the issue of women’s under-representation in local politics in contemporary Turkey. The intermediary level of politics – party presence in municipalities – is studied with a double approach distinguishing among political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, and the pro-Kurdish HDP & DBP) as well as among cities (Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır). The Anglo-American body of literature in political sociology is put into dialogue with the French research in the fields of sociology of mobilization, of political elites and of institutions. Gendered perspective is transversal to the whole thesis. Field work was done in 2014, 2015 and 2016 in Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır and took the form of non-participant observation and semi-directed interviews with two hundred female municipal councilors and women holding an intra-party office. Conceptually, seeing parties as heterogeneous entities allows us to study exchanges that take place within the party hierarchy. The place and role of women in the candidate selection processes questions the artificial separation between the “local” and the “national”. Throughout the demonstration, it becomes clear that women’s profiles and political carriers are intrinsically linked to modalities of their access to electoral mandate, which in turn determines the ways in which women embody their role as elected figures. The distinctive party ethoses contribute to privilege specific individual and collective strategies over others. The research concludes with the finding that in order to understand the levels of women’s local representation as well as its modalities, the “party” criteria has bigger explanatory value than the localconfigurations, even though these two perspectives are in fine inseparable.

<p dir="ltr">Colombia has endured the longest armed conflict in Latin America. In 2016, the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC-EP) signed a historic peace agreement. The reintegration of ex-combatants into society is one of the most challenging aspects of any peace process, particularly for women fighters who break traditional gender norms, often have lower socioeconomic status, and some belong to indigenous communities. This study examines their challenges, focusing on the intersections of gender, ethnicity, and class systemic oppressions. Using in-depth interviews with 30 former FARC-EP combatants, this research explores how gender norms influence reintegration, how intersectional stigma is navigated, and how resilience is enacted. The findings reveal that while some former women fighters defy traditional gender norms, others accept them, potentially contributing to higher unemployment rates. The study also uncovers the complex layers of intersectional stigma these women face, including gender-based discrimination, assumptions about their sexual behavior, and rejection from indigenous communities. To navigate this stigma, ex-combatants employ various strategies, such as choosing silence, hiding their identity, avoiding outsiders, ignoring stigma, or challenging stigma. The study illustrates how former women FARC-EP combatants demonstrate resilience through collective action by developing projects that benefit both ex-combatants and surrounding communities. Rooted in FARC-EP's revolutionary principles, this approach showcases their dedication to building a more equitable society and serves as a powerful response to intersectional oppression. The study makes three key theoretical contributions. First, it significantly advances feminist organizational communication by highlighting the connection between feminist resilience, collective action, and the pursuit of the common good. Second, it further develops the Stigma Management Communication (SMC) theory by showing how intersectional stigma is managed. Third, it integrates the concept of intersectional stigma experienced by ex-combatants into organizational communication literature, particularly within the context of peacebuilding efforts in Colombia. The findings can inform the design of more effective reintegration programs and policies for former women FARC-EP combatants in Colombia, addressing their unique challenges.</p>

This thesis analyses the making of gender mainstreaming in regional development politics. Because of that gender mainstreaming can be filled with any meaning it has been of interest to study how gender mainstreaming in regional development policy is made. This is also especially interesting since gender mainstreaming is criticized in previous research of the tool. With Carol Bacchis methodological framework, “what’s the problem represented to be?” governing through problematization is analyzed. Specifically, the regional development politics problem representation of gender equality and gender mainstreaming and it effects are analyzed. The result of this analysis shows that gender equality and gender mainstreaming is made to be something that the regions simply can download to its own organization. The thing that stands between the region and a successful download is simply knowledge. What I find is that this discourse is limiting to gender mainstreaming as a tool and for the regions that utilizes it. The discursive and subjectifing effects of the found problem representation leads according to me to depoliticization of the policy area in the material. This in turn has its own issues and limits. In summary gender mainstreaming is not made to make structural change in regional development politics.

Pendant la période de la Première Guerre mondiale, les démocraties ont commencé à accorder le droit de vote aux femmes. Bien qu’il existe certaines exceptions ayant permis aux femmes de voter partiellement ou provisoirement avant 1893, les femmes n’étaient pas officiellement autorisées à voter avant cette date. Au Québec, ce droit n'a été accordé qu'en 1940, ce qui en a fait la dernière province canadienne à accorder le droit de vote aux femmes. Cela soulève des interrogations concernant l’impact de ce retard sur les résultats électoraux en faveur des partis politiques de droite. Ce mémoire entreprend d'évaluer l'impact de l'obtention du droit de vote des femmes sur les résultats électoraux, avec une attention particulière portée sur la province du Québec. Ce mémoire se base sur l’hypothèse postulant que l'obtention du suffrage féminin augmente le soutien aux partis politiques de droite. Cette hypothèse découle d'un cadre théorique plus large envisageant d'autres possibilités, telles que le fait que les femmes pourraient soutenir les partis progressistes ou adopter un comportement politique similaire à celui des hommes engendrant aucune différence dans les résultats du vote. La préférence pour s’attarder aux partis de droite est justifiée par les valeurs et l'influence de la religion catholique au Québec. Deux types d’analyses sont présentées dans ce mémoire, l'une visant à établir si le droit de vote des femmes a eu un impact sur le soutien aux partis de droite à travers les provinces canadiennes, alors que l'autre porte sur le Québec uniquement. L’analyse portant sur les provinces canadiennes utilise des données couvrant la période de 1897 à 1960 alors que la deuxième analyse se concentre sur le Québec en examinant les circonscriptions entre 1927 et 1960. À l’échelle des provinces canadiennes, l'élargissement du droit de vote des femmes semble lié à un déclin du soutien envers les partis de droite. Toutefois, les résultats de l'analyse effectuée au Québec révèlent une tendance opposée au niveau des circonscriptions : les élections qui ont suivi l'obtention du droit de vote ont engendré un soutien accru envers les partis de droite, principalement l'Union nationale. Ainsi, l'hypothèse ne se confirme que dans le contexte spécifique du Québec. / During the period of World War I, democracies began to grant women the right to vote. Although there were some exceptions that allowed women to vote before partially or provisionally 1893, women were not officially allowed to vote before that date. In Quebec, this right was not granted until 1940, making it the last Canadian province to grant women the right to vote. This raises questions about the impact of this delay on the electoral results in favor of right-wing political parties. This dissertation undertakes to evaluate the impact of obtaining the right to vote for women on electoral results, with particular attention paid to the province of Quebec. This thesis is based on the hypothesis postulating that obtaining female suffrage increases support for right-wing political parties. This hypothesis arises from a broader theoretical framework considering other possibilities, such as that women might support progressive parties or engage in similar political behavior to men resulting in no difference in voting outcomes. The preference to focus on right-wing parties is justified by the values and influence of the Catholic religion in Quebec. Two types of analyzes are presented in this dissertation, one aimed at establishing whether women's right to vote had an impact on support for right-wing parties across the Canadian provinces, while the other focuses on Quebec. uniquely. The analysis relating to the Canadian provinces uses data covering the period from 1897 to 1960 while the second analysis focuses on Quebec by examining the constituencies between 1927 and 1960. At the level of the Canadian provinces, the expansion of the right women's voting rate appears linked to a decline in support for right-wing parties. However, the results of the analysis carried out in Quebec reveal an opposite trend at the constituency level: the elections which followed obtaining the right to vote generated increased support for right-wing parties, mainly the Union Nationale. Thus, the hypothesis is only confirmed in the specific context of Quebec.