En retraçant le parcours intellectuel de l’historien, moraliste et critique américain Christopher Lasch, ce mémoire vise à mettre en exergue la pertinence et les subtilités de sa pensée politique. Sur la base d’une analyse de ses principaux textes, nous démontrerons, qu’au-delà du pessimisme et du catastrophisme qui lui sont généralement attribués, Lasch porte un regard fécond sur la singularité de l’époque contemporaine. Nous soutiendrons que ses critiques acerbes sur la société et l’individu sont faites, avant tout, dans le but de remédier aux carences morales et sociétales qui auraient engendré un certain idéal libéral progressiste. Selon Lasch, le déploiement continu et illimité de cet idéal est en dissonance avec le caractère essentiellement contingent et conflictuel de la condition humaine. Parallèlement, nous présenterons les incidences psychiques qui se traduisent par une « culture du narcissisme » suscitée notamment par diverses composantes de la société contemporaine. À travers une relecture de la condition humaine, Lasch préconise un correctif idéologique qui est axé sur les notions de limites et d’espoir et qui se trouve au sein de la tradition agraire populiste américaine du 19e siècle. Nous démontrerons ainsi comment ce retour en arrière est entamé dans le but de susciter un renouveau politique et identitaire au sein de la société. L’étude se conclura par une discussion sur la plausibilité de l’idéal populiste, tel que l’entend Lasch, à l’ère du 21e siècle. / By retracing the intellectual journey of the historian, moralist, and American critic Christopher Lasch, this paper aims to highlight the relevance of his critical thought. Based on an analysis of his main texts, it is demonstrated that, rather than the pessimism and catastrophism that is often identified with him, Lasch has a fruitful perspective on the uniqueness of the modern era. His trenchant criticisms of contemporary society and of the individual in it address, first and foremost, the moral and social deficiencies that he believes has been caused by the progressive ideal of liberalism. According to Lasch, the assertion of this ideal is incompatible with the essentially contingent and conflicting nature of the human condition. In parallel, the psychological effects which result from what Lasch calls the “culture of narcissism” will be examined as will Lasch’es alternative, which is based on the notions of limits and hope found in the American agrarian populist tradition of the 19th century. Lasch believes that we must engage in this turn to the past in order to bring out a political renewal of society. The study concludes with a discussion of the plausibility of the populist ideal in the 21st century.

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Depuis la création des Sœurs Musulmanes, le chapitre féminin des Frères Musulmans en Égypte, le rôle que l’organisation a accordé aux femmes a changé plusieurs fois. Pendant certaines périodes, les militantes ont été inclues dans les activités politiques de l’organisation, alors que pendant d’autres périodes, elles étaient forcées de s’occuper de différentes activités d’aide sociale au près de la population. Ce mémoire essaie d’expliquer les raisons qui expliquent les différents changements dans le niveau d’inclusion ou d’exclusion des militantes dans les Frères Musulmans. Cette étude utilise trois périodes pour illustrer ces différents changements : 1952-1967 (inclusion), 1970-1984 (exclusion) and 1984-2005 (inclusion). Cette recherche conclue que, pendant des périodes où la survie des Frères Musulmans est remise en question, l’organisation sera forcée d’inclure les militantes dans leurs activités. Chaque changement dans l’inclusion des femmes est aussi marqué par un changement du contexte politique et des relations avec le gouvernement. Ces changements ne sont donc pas des produits de changement idéologique de l’organisation, mais plutôt causés par des raisons rationnelles. / Since the creation of the Muslim Sisters, the female chapter of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the role that the organization gave women has been shifting. At times, female militants were included within the political activities of the organization, while during others; they were relegated to a role of care provider in various charity tasks. The thesis at hand attempts to explain the causes for those shifts in the level of inclusion and exclusion of female militants within the Muslim Brotherhood. For that purpose, this study will tackle three different periods: 1952-1967 (inclusion), 1970-1984 (exclusion) and 1984-2005 (inclusion). The research concludes that in periods where the survival of the Muslim Brotherhood is at risk, they will be forced to include female militants in their activities. Each change in the inclusion of women is also marked by a change in the political context and the relations with the government. Therefore these changes, rather than being ideological changes, are caused by rational concerns of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Cette thèse porte sur le comportement des élites politiques durant les périodes de crise nationale et plus particulièrement sur leurs réactions aux attentats terroristes. Elle démontre que les crises terroristes sont tout comme les conflits militaires ou diplomatiques propices aux unions nationales et notamment aux ralliements des partis d’opposition auprès du gouvernement. L’analyse statistique d’actes terroristes s’étant produits dans cinq états démocratiques (Allemagne, Espagne, États-Unis d’Amérique, France et Royaume-Uni) entre 1990 et 2006 révèle que l’ampleur d’un attentat en termes de pertes humaines ainsi que la répétition de ces attentats influencent dans une large mesure la réaction des élites politiques. Ainsi plus l’ampleur d’un attentat est élevée, plus la probabilité d’un ralliement est grande. En revanche, la multiplication des attentats augmente la possibilité de dissension entre l’opposition et le gouvernement. Par ailleurs, l’opposition est plus susceptible de se rallier au gouvernement lorsque l’attentat est perpétré par des terroristes provenant de l’étranger. L’analyse quantitative indique également que l’existence d’un accord formel de coopération dans la lutte antiterroriste entre le gouvernement et l’opposition favorise l’union des élites. Enfin, les données analysées suggèrent que la proportion des ralliements dans les cinq pays est plus importante depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001. Une analyse qualitative portant exclusivement sur la France et couvrant la période 1980-2006 confirme la validité des variables identifiées dans la partie quantitative, mais suggère que les élites réagissent au nombre total de victimes (morts mais aussi blessés) et que la répétition des actes terroristes a moins d’impact lors des vagues d’attentats. Par ailleurs, les analyses de cas confirment que les élites politiques françaises sont plus susceptibles de se rallier quand un attentat vise un haut-fonctionnaire de l’État. Il apparaît également que les rivalités et rancœurs politiques propre à la France (notamment suite à l’arrivée de la gauche au pouvoir en 1981) ont parfois empêché le ralliement des élites. Enfin, cette analyse qualitative révèle que si l’extrême gauche française soutient généralement le gouvernement, qu’il soit de gauche ou de droite, en période de crise terroriste, l’extrême droite en revanche saisit quasi systématiquement l’opportunité offerte par l’acte terroriste pour critiquer le gouvernement ainsi que les partis de l’establishment. La thèse est divisée en sept chapitres. Le premier chapitre suggère que le comportement des élites politiques en période de crises internationales graves (guerres et conflits diplomatiques) est souvent influencé par la raison d’État et non par l’intérêt électoral qui prédomine lors des périodes plus paisibles. Le second chapitre discute du phénomène terroriste et de la littérature afférente. Le troisième chapitre analyse les causes du phénomène d’union nationale, soumet un cadre pour l’analyse de la réaction des élites aux actes terroristes, et présente une série d’hypothèses. Le quatrième chapitre détaille la méthodologie utilisée au cours de cette recherche. Les chapitres cinq et six présentent respectivement les résultats des analyses quantitatives et qualitatives. Enfin, le chapitre sept conclut cette thèse en résumant la contribution de l’auteur et en suggérant des pistes de recherche. / This thesis focuses on the behaviour of political elites during periods of national crisis and particularly on their reactions to acts of terrorism. It demonstrates that terrorist crises, much like military and diplomatic conflicts, represent a fertile ground for rallies around the flag. The statistical analysis of terrorist events that occurred in five democracies (France, Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom and the United States of America) from 1990 to 2006 indicates that the magnitude of the attack in terms of fatalities and the repetition of attacks influence in large measures the reaction of the political elite. The higher the magnitude is, the more likely the rally. However, the repetition of attacks increases the likelihood of dissention between opposition and government. Moreover, the opposition is more likely to support the government when the attack is perpetrated by terrorists originating from abroad. The quantitative analysis also indicates that the existence of a formal antiterrorist pact between government and opposition increases the likelihood of a rally. Finally, the data suggest that elites are more likely to rally around the flag since the events of 9/11. A qualitative analysis focusing solely on France and examining cases from the period 1980-2006 confirms the validity of the variables identified in the quantitative part but suggests that elites react to the total number of victims (including wounded) and that the repetition has less impact during waves of attacks. Furthermore, the case studies confirm that French political elites are particularly prone to rally when high-ranking representatives of the state fall victim to the terrorists. In addition, it appears that political rivalries and resentment (in particular following the Left’s return to power in 1981) have on occasion thwarted the rallying of elites. Finally, this analysis indicates that whereas the far-left generally supports the government (left-wing or right-wing), the far-right uses almost every opportunity to criticize the government and the parties of the establishment. The thesis is divided into seven chapters. Chapter one suggests that during intense foreign policy crises (military and diplomatic) the behaviour of the political elite is often influenced by the national interest, rather than the electoral interest that predominates in quieter periods. Chapter two discusses the terrorist phenomenon and the corresponding literature. Chapter three analyses the rally-around-the-flag phenomenon, lays out a framework for analysing the reaction of elites, and presents a series of hypotheses. Chapter four details the methodology used. Chapters five and six present respectively the results of the quantitative and qualitative analyses. Finally, chapter seven concludes with a summary of the author’s contribution and suggests avenues of research.

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In this study, radial solid density distributions in upward flowing water-feldspar mixtures through a concentric annulus were investigated. Local solid density measurements were performed at a test cross-section in the fully developed flow region of a concentric annulus, which is a part of a closed-loop system consisting of a head tank, a variable speed slurry pump, an orificemeter, a heat exchanger, an annulus, a temperature probe, and a drain line. The solid particles with mean diameters of 72 and 138 &amp / #61549 / m at two different feed solid concentrations of 1 and 2 % v/v were used in the prepared slurries. The dependent variables being local solid density, local mixture velocity, and axial frictional pressure drop along the test-section, an experimental work was performed to obtain the radial solid density profiles and axial pressure gradients at different operating conditions. To determine the local solid densities, a sampling probe was used. At the beginning, this probe was used as a pitot tube to measure the local velocities in the test cross-section. Making use of these data, local solid densities were measured with the same probe under isokinetic and nonisokinetic conditions to compare both. For this purpose, an isokinetic sampling unit was designed and constructed to withdraw the samples under isokinetic flow conditions, at which the sampling velocity in the probe equated to the true flow velocity in the annulus very closely. The required constant back-pressure was supplied by pressurized N2 gas to equate these velocities to each other. The amounts of solids in the slurry samples collected at seven different radial locations in the test area under isokinetic and non-isokinetic conditions were determined by the gravimetric method. Local solid densities showed more uniform trends at the feed solid concentration of 1% v/v than those at 2% v/v. Increasing the feed solid concentration and particle size changed the shape of these profiles. The obtained local solid densities were generally higher near the outer wall than those near the inner wall / this result was consistent with the literature. As a general trend, local solid densities showed a decreasing trend at around a dimensionless radial distance of &amp / #61548 / =0.4, where the slurry velocity profile had its maximum value. It was observed that the two-phase axial frictional pressure gradients along the test section in the fully developed flow region increased with increasing feed solid concentration and the particle size at a constant slurry flow rate. Isokinetic sampling results showed that the local solid densities increased consistently with the increasing slurry velocity at all radial distances in the annular gap, while this trend was not observed clearly in the non-isokinetic measurements. Also the variations of the local solid densities along the radial distance were more obvious in the isokinetic results while these variations were obscured under nonisokinetic conditions by the experimental error at a higher level.

In the present study / ten autosomal human-specific Alu insertion polymorphisms / ACE, APO, A25, B65, D1, FXIIIB, HS4.32, HS4.69, PV92 and TPA25 were analyzed in approximately 100 unrelated individuals from Anatolia. Alu insertion polymorphisms offer several advantages over other nuclear DNA polymorphisms for human evolution studies. The frequencies of the ten biallelic Alu insertions in Anatolians were calculated and all systems were found to be in Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium (p&gt / 0.05). By combining the results of this study with results of previous studies done on worldwide populations, the genetic distance (Nei&rsquo / s DA) between each pair of populations was calculated and neighbor joining trees were constructed. In general, geographically closer populations were found to be also genetically similar. Principal component analysis (PCA) was performed and Anatolia was found to be in the European cluster. As a result of PCA / it was concluded that FXIIIB, PV92 and ACE were the variables contributing the most to the explanation of the variation between the populations. Additionally / canonical variates analysis (CVA) concluded that the most discriminative markers for the groups of populations were PV92, D1, ACE and HS4.32. Pair-wise Fst values were also calculated between Anatolians and some of the populations for which the data was available. It was concluded that, Anatolians have non-significant pair-wise Fst values with Swiss and French Acadian populations. Lastly, heterozygosity vs. distance from centroid graph was constructed and it was found that Anatolians and India-Hindu had exactly the expected heterozygosity value predicted by the model of Harpending and Ward (1982).

iv In this study, an Analytic Network Process (ANP) and Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) based approach was developed in order to measure the performance of customer-based Research and Development projects being executed in T&Uuml / BTAKSAGE, Defense Research and Development Institute, under the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey. In order to evaluate project performance, many criteria, containing various subcriteria were determined. In order to handle the interdependencies among the criteria and the sub-criteria, ANP was used. The ANP model generated in this study is a hybrid model consisting of both a hierarchy and a network. The pairwise comparison matrices that were built up for defining the importance and influences of the criteria/sub-criteria in the ANP model were formed as interval judgments from a group decision making process, based on data obtained from a questionnaire conducted among the experts in the Institute. From the interval pairwise comparison matrices, weight intervals for the sub-criteria were determined and these bounds were used as assurance region constraints in a super-efficiency DEA model, through which the project ranking was obtained. Taking into consideration that there may occur some missing values in some projects for some of the sub-criteria, the superefficiency DEA model was extended to handle missing data. The model was applied to a real case study on performance evaluation of the ongoing customer-based projects in the Institute. For comparison purposes, the case study was also solved by two other approaches.