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Japan is the third energy consumption country in the world (next to the United States, and China), and the lowest to its energy self-sufficiency among advanced countries. Japan is aware of its dependence on the unstable Middle East for the energy security. Therefore, to ensure the Japanese having reliable supply of energy, become a vital issue not only to its economic development but also its national security. Japanese government attempted to change the condition of their vulnerability in regard to energy security and dependence on foreign energy. Japanese energy diplomacy primarily hopes to guarantee their energy security. Japan¡¦s energy security relied on other countries since postwar was an indisputable fact. Japan is unable to control energy security which is not surprising. However, Japan is the second largest economy country in the world, therefore, Japan's energy security strategy and concrete achievement, immediately impacts on Japan's politics and economic performance. Consequently, it brings a significant influence on the international politics and economics development. After postwar, Japan's energy security relied on the protective umbrella that U.S. provided. Two main constructions are: the maintenance of U.S.-Japan security alliance and the U.S. Pacific fleet control the sea lines of communication (SLOCs). The world energy domain changed rapidly since the cold war was ended. The Soviet Union contains rich reserved energy and opens to the capitalism market. This is a breakthrough opportunity for Japan especially when it is in an energy security dilemma. In addition, Chinese economic has been rising in recent years, the initiation energy is in demanding, that also impacts greatly on the energy market among Asian regions. As for Japan, its deficiency in energy resources becomes a numerous threat. Therefore, Japan's energy security problem not only affects the Asian regions, but also breaks that existing international power balance.

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This dissertation examines Moche (A.D. 300-900) sociopolitical organization in northern Peru at the previously unexplored site of Licapa II, a mid-sized ceremonial center in the Chicama Valley. Moche’s distinct archaeological signatures, chiefly, ceramics and architecture, have long been seen as emblematic of an ethnic and political reality and defined as evidence for the first South American state although recent scholarship has begun to view Moche as a more complex mosaic of interacting settlements across a landscape. My research at Licapa II is the first study of a site of its size and kind, thus constituting a novel contribution to the paradigm shift in Moche research. My excavations, surface collections, and geophysical surveys contributed to understanding the nature of the site and the activities performed there. Licapa II consists of two pyramids (huacas), a canal, and other buildings. I show that the two major structures, Huaca A and Huaca B, are characterized by different material culture, are different in form, and date to different time periods. Huaca A has local ceramics and was mainly used before A.D. 600. Huaca B has Moche IV and V style ceramics and was in use after A.D. 600. Based on my evaluation of radiocarbon dates, the changes in buildings and ceramics seen at Licapa II around A.D. 600 also occurred throughout the Moche world and included the adoption of Moche IV ceramics and soon after, in some places, Moche V. I also show that the Moche V style likely originated in the northern Chicama Valley and spread from there circa A.D. 650. I also argue that political organization in Moche times may have been similar to colonial era organization, based on nested moieties organized around the irrigation system. Overall, in this dissertation I demonstrate that Licapa II was an independent center intimately connected to a dynamic landscape of interconnected nodes in an ever- changing and complex network of sites. Simplistic models based on the concept of large Moche states thus should be discarded. / Anthropology

Nearly twenty years after the brutal conflict that occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), ethnosectarian ideology continues to permeate all structures and institutions of Bosnian society, from political and educational institutions to religious and cultural ones; most of all, it is significantly embodied in the everyday life of people in Bosnia. It is these everyday practices that I investigate in order to unravel how ethnicity is (re)produced, performed and experienced through mundane practices of moving through space. Specifically, this dissertation asks: What socio-spatial practices and emotional experiences are involved in the processes of solidifying, as well as dissolving, ethnic identity in BiH? The study is a primarily qualitative investigation of daily life, based on deployment of multiple methods such as participant observation, interviews and a photography project. The site of the study is the town of Mostar in southwestern BiH. It has been formally and informally divided between "Croat/Catholic" west Mostar and "Bosniak/Muslim" east Mostar for over 15 years. The findings point to the ways identity and space emerge as performative effects of practice, as well as how different processes of bordering (between "us" and "them"; between "our" and "their" side) are materialized through different affective intensities.

This dissertation is a critical engagement with the myth of the reified modern state - that Leviathan that seemingly exists outside of the social while residing within the natural. In doing so it joins an effort to move the field of critical geopolitics beyond critiquing classical geopolitics to one that includes a transformative component, as expressed in the overarching field of critical theory. The undergirding methodological and theoretical approaches of this dissertation are rooted in the interplay between the semiotic, the performative, and the visual, an eclectic framework that grapples with the shifting representational practices of geopolitics - practices that are centered on maintaining a particular meta-narrative of the state - i.e., the myth of the state as a reified subject. As a means to demystify this particular paradigm of the state I look at the contradictions and the challenges proffered by a unique set of actors, soldiers and veterans. I accomplish this: military actors. This is accomplished by bringing to the forefront, through imagery, the visual and communicative performances of their everyday geopolitical practices as military actors and citizens. The three cases that make up this dissertation each address particular interconnections between soldiers, veterans, and the myth of "the state," with each employing an approach that visually interrogates the spatial and material relationships as a means to explore "the everyday" performances of their geopolitical practices. Soldiers and veterans are uniquely situated in geopolitical discourses about the state, as they are framed and/or frame themselves, depending on the context, as both "state" and "non-state" actors and, as such, through their conjoined identities can collapse the meta-narrative of the state-as-object by their very "being." In this interrogation, therefore, I add to an effort to push for a reconceptualization of the state, arguing that "it" should be re-imaged or reframed as an everyday relationship between citizens - a state as relationship rather than a state as object. This shift moves a critical geopolitical inquiry away from reproducing what it critiques, to critically engaging with the practices that produce the representations that help to constitute it.

In this research, I provide a foundation for theorizing and understanding institutionalized antiracism initiatives; under-examined sites of geographical research. Through an examination of three different research sites (Queen’s University, the Canadian Race Relations Foundation, and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization), I seek to understand how organizations working in different contexts negotiate a range of variables so as to achieve the most effective outcomes possible. With a focus on site-specific context and its role in antiracist initiatives, this research combines a range of qualitative methods including interviews and researcher observations to assess the factors that influence the strategic directions and decisions of organizations. This thesis contributes to the exploration of social change and human rights strategies by positioning institutionalized antiracism initiatives as the focus of study; highlighting the importance of geopolitical context and other institutional factors in this work; identifying key challenges and opportunities; presenting findings on effective human rights strategies; and filling a gap in this area of geographic study. More specifically, this research demonstrates that institutionalized antiracism initiatives experience specific advantages and challenges as a result of factors internal and external to the organization. It also provides insight into the climate of social change in Canada and reveals some important findings with regard to antiracism strategies that can be used by organizations to improve the effectiveness of their initiatives and programs. / Thesis (Ph.D, Geography) -- Queen's University, 2014-01-31 08:45:08.578

This dissertation examines how US immigrant family detention policy emerged from reinvigorated border security priorities, immigration policing practices, and international migration flows. Based on a qualitative mixed methods approach, the research traces how discourses of threat, vulnerability, and safety produce detainable child and parent subjects that displace “the family” as a legal entity. I show that immigration law relies on specific kinds of geographical knowledge, producing what I call the ‘geopolitics of vulnerability.’ More broadly, I analyze how current immigration enforcement practices work at local, national, and international scales, so that detention deters future migration as much as it penalizes existing undocumented migrants. Tracing how legal categorization, isolation, criminalization, and forced mobility discipline detained families, I show how detention bears down on migrant networks, defying individualized and national scalings of immigration law. Family detention, like the broader detention system, is authorized through overlapping forms of administrative discretion, and I analyze how the “plenary doctrine of immigration” resonates with ICE’s discretionary authority. Finally, I trace how immigrant rights advocates mobilizes conceptions of “home-like” and “prison-like” facilities, and how ICE reimagined its “residential” facilities in response. Empirically and theoretically, my project contributes the first academic study of US family detention to research on kinship, citizenship, security, geopolitics, and immigration enforcement.

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The fall of the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I enabled the victorious Western powers to implement the Sykes-Picot Treaty and reshape the geopolitical structure of the Middle East. The imposition of arbitrary borders on the Middle East region, specifically the state of Iraq, would lead to significant conflicts over the course of the 20th century. In 2003, a US-led invasion would further compound the instability and sectarian conflict within Iraq by completely dismantling the state. In the years after the invasion, the United States has been directly involved unsuccessfully in trying to rebuild and stabilize the state of Iraq. The goal of this study is to propose and analyze four options for the future geopolitical structure of Iraq that, by design, could maintain the current geopolitical borders and possibly contribute to stability in the Middle East. A qualitative approach that examines the benefits of different models of government is used to identify themes that may apply to the state of Iraq, Because adoption of any of the proposed options depends on choices that must be made by the Iraqi government, this thesis presents only a theoretical argument about the country’s likely future. It is my contention that the most likely route to achieving long-term political stability within Iraq is implementation of a federalist model of government that resembles the Swiss model. The Swiss model provides a framework to create ethnic tolerance through specific power devolution, internal cooperation, and conflict resolution between the different tribal and ethnic groups within each region, and external cooperation and adjudication of issues between the regions and the central government. This study’s results show that the different options analyzed all have positive and negative characteristics. The three-region Swiss model provided an exceptional framework and addressed a number of Iraq’s problems, but elements of the other models could be implemented into the three-region model to create a more stable state. Further analysis is needed to determine the best model of government to stabilize Iraq.