Der Beitrag untersucht aus Anlaß der französichen Gesetzgebung 1982, welche Möglichkeiten die Sozialisierungsvorschrift des Art. 15 GG sowie die vergleichbaren Regelungen in den Verfassungen einiger Bundesländer im Hinblick auf eine Nationalisierung bestimmter Industrieunternehmen und Kreditinstitute eröffnen und ob das GG noch andere Wege für Vergesellschaftungsmaßnahmen vorsieht bzw. erschließt. Abschließend erfolgt eine Würdigung des Einflusses völker- und europarechtlicher Bestimmungen auf das innerstaatliche deutsche Recht.

The content of the presented thesis is the introduction of selected institutes of the laws on political parties and their enactment in the Czech Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. The thesis is divided into two chapters. The first addresses the fundamental questions of the legal regulations on political parties in both countries. The second deals with the funding of political parties. Because this is a comparative thesis, individual legal regulations are always introduced in the first two subchapters. The third subchapter compares the most significant institutes and their possible use in the Czech law is proposed. The main points of the first chapter are especially the process of political party creation, the comparison of anchored attributes of a democracy capable of defence in the laws and last but not least also the contemplation of the possible expansion of the addressees of the right to form and join political parties and political movements, pursuant to Article 20 par. 2 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms, also to foreigners staying in the Czech Republic for a long time. The second chapter of this thesis deals with the current topic that has been a part of political life since its beginning - the funding of political parties. Both compared countries have gone through...

Fondé à Munich en octobre 1946 suite à la réorganisation d’un proto-parti mariant rejet de l’unitarisme autoritaire et provincialisme anti-prussien, le Bayernpartei (BP) se fit après la guerre le courtier des revendications autonomistes bavaroises et le médiateur de l’hostilité populaire à l’égard des réfugiés allemands originaires d’Europe centrale et orientale. Couronné de succès lors des élections fédérales post-dictatoriales de 1949 – à l’occasion desquelles il recueillit 20,9% des voix en Bavière –, il présente la particularité d’avoir subi pendant vingt ans un déclin électoral régulier, et d’avoir totalement cessé d’être « relevant » au sens de Sartori au moment même où l’on assistait à l’échelle européenne, et même occidentale, à un nouvel essor des partis et formations régionalistes procédant du clivage centre/périphérie.Quels sont les déterminants causaux du progressif déclin du Bayernpartei ? Quels facteurs explicatifs apparaissent susceptibles de rendre compte de sa graduelle transformation en ce que Manfred Rowold estime être une simple association folklorique sans importance ? Tel est le questionnement sous-tendant le présent travail de thèse, et auquel l’auteur propose de répondre en se dégageant du rétrospectivisme monocausal, linéariste et exogénéisant dont firent preuve les (rares) politistes ayant tenté de rendre compte de l’étiolement politique passé du parti régionaliste bavarois. / Founded in Munich in October 1946 after the reorganisation of a proto-party combining rejection of authoritarian unitarism and anti-Prussian provincialism, the Bavaria Party (Bayernpartei) appeared after the Second World War as the spreader of the Bavarian claims for autonomy, and as the echo box of popular hostility against German refugees from Central and Eastern Europe. After having been crowned with success at the German federal election of 1949 – on which it collected 20,9% of the votes in Bavaria –, he was affected during two decades by a steady electoral decline, so much so that it completely ceased to be “relevant” in the sense of Sartori at the very time when political scientists were witnessing at European (and even Western) level a new upsurge of regionalist parties and organisations.What are the causal determinants of the progressive decline of the Bavaria Party? What explanatory factors can be advanced to account for its gradual transformation into what Manfred Rowold considers to be a simple and irrelevant folk association? This is the question underlying the present work and to which the author proposes to respond by working on the assumption that it is necessary to break with the monocausal, linearist and exogenousing retrospectivism characterizing the analyses of the (rare) political scientists who have already attempted to explain the withering away of the Bavarian regionalist party.

Hauptgegenstand der Arbeit ist das Schengener Informationssystem der ersten Generation, SIS. Dargestellt werden zunächst der Weg zu einem elektronischen europaweiten Fahndungssystem, die rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen dieses Fahndungssystems und seine Funktionsweise. Daran anschließend folgt die Prüfung der Verletzung des Demokratieprinzips beim Zustandekommen des Schengener Durchführungsübereinkommens und bei seiner Transformation in innerstaatliches Recht. Weitere Prüfungspunkte sind die Notwendigkeit eines Gesetzes nach Art. 24 Abs. 1 Grundgesetz bei der Umsetzung in innerstaatliches Recht sowie die Vereinbarkeit der Fahndungskategorie der Verdeckten Registrierung nach Art. 99 Schengener Durchführungsübereinkommen mit Art. 8 der Europäischen Grundrechte-Charta.  Während in der Arbeit eine Verletzung von Demokratieprinzip und Art. 24 Absatz 1 Grundgesetz nicht festgestellt werden kann, bestehen im Hinblick auf die Vereinbarkeit mit Art. 8 der Europäischen Grundrechte-Charta unter verschiedenen Gesichtspunkten durchgreifende Bedenken.  Die Arbeit schließt mit einem Ausblick auf das Schengener Informationssystem der zweiten Generation, SIS II, sowie einer Zusammenfassung und einer Bewertung ab.

90年代起，德國再統一後躍上全球政治舞臺，從過去歐洲安全的顧慮之國，轉型成為今日歐洲政治、經濟與軍事穩定力量。但是在後冷戰時期，過去許多次級威脅因子失去了壓抑力量後，成為後冷戰時期新形態的安全議題，威脅全球政治與經濟的穩定與安全。面對這些紛踵沓至的威脅，德國一方面必須鞏固與維護自身冷戰期間所累積的經貿成就，另一方面則積極配合聯合國、北大西洋公約組織與歐洲聯盟的決策，派遣聯邦國防軍遠赴海外，從事維和、軍事、人道與救援等國際性任務，追求自身外交正常化的目標。 本文研究發現，1991年至2009年為止，聯邦國防軍在過去19年來的71項海外維和、軍事、人道與救援等國際性任務，都嚴格限定在聯合國、北約與歐盟憲章的框架下，恪遵既有的國際秩序與國內憲法規範，實踐身為聯合國、北約與歐盟成員國的義務，成為上述三大國際組織最倚賴的軍事力量。 雖然歷年來德國政府已透過具體的立法與釋憲過程，排除《基本法》限制德國海外派兵政策的規範，但是行政部門的決策過程中仍須面臨國內外輿論對於德國海外派兵政策的反對與疑慮；加上德國政府每年投入國防建軍的經費有限，聯邦國防軍的軟硬體設備未必能夠負擔高頻率與海外派兵任務，眾多因素都使聯邦國防軍多年來的派兵成效有限。 德國再統一後雖於積極參與三大國際組織框架行動，配合自身的外交折衝談判與軍事影響力，欲積極重塑其國家的地位。面對諸多主客觀的限制與未臻成熟的條件，德國重返正常化國家的過程仍將艱辛無比。 / Since the re-unification in 90’s, Germany has leaped upon the stage of the global politics. With much effort, Germany has successfully rendered itself from “a nation of grave concern to European security” into “a stable political, economic and military power in modern Europe.” However, during the post-Cold War era, those probable and minor threats, which were suppressed by the huge atmosphere of U.S.-Soviet confrontation, will appear to became the new forms of security issues in the 21st century, and further to jeopardize the global political and economic security and stability. Dealing with these countless and non-stopping new forms of threat, Germany, on the one hand, must secure its existent accomplishment in trade and the miracle of economic development, and also, on the other hand, actively accommodate the decisions and charters of the United Nations, North Atlantic Treaty Organization and European Union, to pursue Germany’s “normalized diplomacy ”by deploying its Federal Defense Army, Bundeswehr, into the overseas hostile spots, to implement the peacekeeping, military, humanitarian and rescue operations. From 1991 to 2009, Bundeswehr has participated in 71 international peacekeeping, military, humanitarian and rescue operations, which were all implemented strictly under the framework and the charters of the UN, NATO and EU. Over the past 19 years, Germany has obediently complied with the existent regulations of the international laws and the German constitution, Grundgestez, and fulfilled the compulsory obligations as the member of the 3 institutions stated above. For this matter of fact, Bundeswehr has become the reliable military force in these institutions. This thesis has drawn the humble conclusions that although the German executive branches has overruled the legal obstacles and set new paths of deploying Bundeswehr overseas by the legislative move and the explication of the Grundgestez, the executive branches will always tackle the domestic criticism and the international skepticism; meanwhile, the executive branches have never allocated even more sufficient annual budget for the military branches to maintain its readiness-rate, therefore the training of personnel, software, equipment and facilities may not genuinely satisfy the needs for actual battles and afford the frequent and distant operations. The combination of these problem has compromised the actual consequence and the efficiency of Germany’s overseas military deployments in the past two decades. Having endeavored so hard to comply with the operations under the framework of the three major institutions, accompanying its maneuvering of diplomacy and military significance, Germany will still have to give much toil and labor to re-shape its international status. Nevertheless, being obstructed by the immature subjective and objective conditions, Germany’ road returning to its Normalcy of the state will still be long and difficult.

通訊監察區分為「犯罪通訊監察」及「情報通訊監察」二大種類，犯罪通訊監察須針對特定犯罪活動而為之偵查行為，而情報通訊監察則係針對外國勢力及其工作人員危害國家安全之行為而為國家預警情報作為。世界各民主先進國家在將通訊監察法治化及透過實際案例之修正後，逐步建立起類似之通訊監察立法通則，如比例原則、令狀原則監察、透明化、保護隱私權益、重罪原則、特定性、補充性原則等，幾已成為犯罪通訊監察法治不可違逆之普世價值； 然在情報通訊監察部分，各國則因歷史背景之不同，其情報通訊監察法治發展是不一而足，其法律保留、授權密度、證據能力、救濟及監督方式皆大相逕庭。 我國情報通訊監察規範於民國88年與犯罪通訊監察一併規範於「通訊保障及監察法」中，條文規範略嫌簡略，依據民國100年修正之國家情報工作法，立法政策將朝向情報通訊監察單獨立法邁進。 為探討我國情報通訊監察制度之現存問題，本文研究分析美國「外國情報通訊監察法（The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978,FISA）」及德國「G10法（Gesetz zur Beschränkung des Brief-, Post- und Fernmeldegeheimnisses,Gesetz zu Artikel 10 Grundgesetz – G10）」之情報通訊監察法治，與我國現行規範加以比較，並對未來設立專法提出建議。 / Electronic surveillance can be divided into criminal surveillance and intelligence surveillance. Different from the intelligence surveillance, criminal surveillance should be solely engaged in for specific criminal law enforcement purposes. Intelligence surveillance is directed at the acquisition of the contents of communications transmitted by means of communications used between or among foreign powers for the purpose of national security. Through the electronic surveillance legalization process of the advanced democracy countries, we can summarize a few principles such as the principle of proportionality, warrant, privacy, felony, particularity and complementarity which have became the universal value of the criminal surveillance. Nevertheless, the development of the intelligence surveillance in each country is by no means an isolated case because of the different background. They are different from law reservation, the intensity of judicial review, admissibility and judicial remedy, etc. In 1999, the rules of intelligence surveillance were regulated in Communication Protection and Monitoring Law with criminal surveillance, and the regulations of the intelligence surveillance are sort of incomplete. According to the amendment of the National Intelligence Services Law of 2011, the independent legislation of intelligence surveillance is imperative in future. In order to solve the problems of intelligence surveillance in Taiwan, the thesis introduced and compared the “The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance (FISA)” in the U.S.A, and the “Gesetz zur Beschränkung des Brief-, Post- und Fernmeldegeheimnisses,Gesetz zu Artikel 10 Grundgesetz (G10)”in Germany with the Communication Protection and Monitoring Law in Taiwan. Hopefully the thesis could provide the directions of the independent legislation of intelligence surveillance in future.