<p>Den latinamerikanska befrielseteologin har nått ut över världen. I alla fall till en del grupper. De radikala katolska befrielseteologerna och deras medkämpar har med hjälp av Bibeln kombinerad med samhällsvetenskaplig analys ökat medvetenheten om de sociala och ekonomiska orättvisorna men de har inte lyckats lösa problemen. Konservativa krafter har motarbetat befrielseteologerna i alla år. Samtidigt som befrielseteologerna hyllas över världen för sitt arbete till förmån för de fattiga och förtryckta har de blivit hårt kritiserade. Bland annat har de kritiserats för sitt samarbete med marxister och för att de blandar politik och religion. Befrielseteologerna har också kritiserats för att de inte har tänkt tillräckligt på kvinnofrågor och ursprungsbefolkningar.</p><p>I denna uppsats söker författaren via litteraturstudier svaret på om befrielseteologin har någon förankring i den latinamerikanska kulturen. Latinamerika är stort. Därför har arbetet avgränsats till att handla om den brasilianska kulturen. Brasilien är ett motsägelsefullt land. Kontrasterna är stora mellan kulturerna, mellan fattiga och rika samt mellan utveckling och underutveckling. Miljöproblemen och de sociala problemen är komplicerade. Befrielseteologerna är många. Författaren har valt att titta närmare på peruanen Gustavo Gutiérrez som brukar anses som befrielseteologins grundare, brasilianaren Leonardo Boff som nyligen fick alternativa nobelpriset för fredsbevarande arbete och brasilianaren Helder Camara som levde ett långt liv i befrielseteologins tjänst.</p>

Framed within a discussion of populism, this thesis provides a critical analysis of the campaign and short tenure in office of Ecuadorian President Lucio Gutiérrez Borbúa. It outlines a multi-dimensional approach to populism that is characterized by five components: (1) personalistic leadership, (2) a heterogeneous coalition of support, (3) top-down political mobilization, (4) an ambiguous ideological discourse, and (5) a redistributive and clientelistic economic approach. Applied to the Gutiérrez case, the multi-dimensional approach highlights the viability and volatility of populism.<p> This thesis argues that Gutiérrez ascended to the presidency through the successful application of a populist strategy, which generated significant expectations among the public and his political allies. Yet, once in office, Gutiérrez populist strategy was unable to sustain the support he enjoyed during the campaign. The expectations he generated went unmet as he engaged in clear reversals of the populist imaginary created by his candidacy. His twenty-eight months in office were characterized by neoliberalism, corruption, and status quo political machinations that had sunk his predecessors. Tracking Gutiérrez transition from populist champion to political pariah using the multi-dimensional approach indicates that although populism can be an effective electoral strategy, it can also impose significant limitations on a government. Ultimately, the Gutiérrez case reinforces the important role played by the populist imaginary in determining the success or failure of populist leaders.

Framed within a discussion of populism, this thesis provides a critical analysis of the campaign and short tenure in office of Ecuadorian President Lucio Gutiérrez Borbúa. It outlines a multi-dimensional approach to populism that is characterized by five components: (1) personalistic leadership, (2) a heterogeneous coalition of support, (3) top-down political mobilization, (4) an ambiguous ideological discourse, and (5) a redistributive and clientelistic economic approach. Applied to the Gutiérrez case, the multi-dimensional approach highlights the viability and volatility of populism.<p> This thesis argues that Gutiérrez ascended to the presidency through the successful application of a populist strategy, which generated significant expectations among the public and his political allies. Yet, once in office, Gutiérrez populist strategy was unable to sustain the support he enjoyed during the campaign. The expectations he generated went unmet as he engaged in clear reversals of the populist imaginary created by his candidacy. His twenty-eight months in office were characterized by neoliberalism, corruption, and status quo political machinations that had sunk his predecessors. Tracking Gutiérrez transition from populist champion to political pariah using the multi-dimensional approach indicates that although populism can be an effective electoral strategy, it can also impose significant limitations on a government. Ultimately, the Gutiérrez case reinforces the important role played by the populist imaginary in determining the success or failure of populist leaders.

Den latinamerikanska befrielseteologin har nått ut över världen. I alla fall till en del grupper. De radikala katolska befrielseteologerna och deras medkämpar har med hjälp av Bibeln kombinerad med samhällsvetenskaplig analys ökat medvetenheten om de sociala och ekonomiska orättvisorna men de har inte lyckats lösa problemen. Konservativa krafter har motarbetat befrielseteologerna i alla år. Samtidigt som befrielseteologerna hyllas över världen för sitt arbete till förmån för de fattiga och förtryckta har de blivit hårt kritiserade. Bland annat har de kritiserats för sitt samarbete med marxister och för att de blandar politik och religion. Befrielseteologerna har också kritiserats för att de inte har tänkt tillräckligt på kvinnofrågor och ursprungsbefolkningar. I denna uppsats söker författaren via litteraturstudier svaret på om befrielseteologin har någon förankring i den latinamerikanska kulturen. Latinamerika är stort. Därför har arbetet avgränsats till att handla om den brasilianska kulturen. Brasilien är ett motsägelsefullt land. Kontrasterna är stora mellan kulturerna, mellan fattiga och rika samt mellan utveckling och underutveckling. Miljöproblemen och de sociala problemen är komplicerade. Befrielseteologerna är många. Författaren har valt att titta närmare på peruanen Gustavo Gutiérrez som brukar anses som befrielseteologins grundare, brasilianaren Leonardo Boff som nyligen fick alternativa nobelpriset för fredsbevarande arbete och brasilianaren Helder Camara som levde ett långt liv i befrielseteologins tjänst.

The problem of universal oppression has caused Gutierrez, Cone and Moltmann to advocate that God is orchestrating an historical programme of liberation from socio-economic, racial and political suffering. They feel that God's liberating actions can be seen in the Abrahamic promise, the exodus and the Christ-event. Moltmann, especially, has emphasized both the trinitarian identification with human pain and the influence of the freedom of the future upon the suffering of the present. According to our theologians, Jesus Christ identified with us, and died the death of a substitutionary victim. Through the resurrection, Jesus Christ overcame the problem of suffering and death, and inaugurated the New Age. The cross and resurrection were the focal point of God's liberating activity. Liberation, or freedom, from sin and suffering is now possible, at least proleptically. We are to understand the atonement as having been liberative rather than forensic or legal, although judgement is not ignored. Both the perpetrators of injustice and their victims are called upon to identify with, and struggle for, freedom, with the help of the liberating Christ. We agree with our theologians that God has historically indicated his desire for justice and freedom. The magnitude of evil and suffering still existing, however, forces us to abandon the idea that God is progressively liberating history. Nevertheless, we affirm the idea that the Trinity has absorbed human suffering into its own story through the incarnate Son. Jesus identified with suffering in a four-fold way, namely: its existence, the judgement of it, the overcoming of it, and the need to oppose it. This comprehensive identification gives Christ the right to demand the doing of justice, because the greatest injustice in history has happened to him. The atonement was forensic, rendering all people accountable to Christ; but it was also liberative, validating the struggle against oppression. Furthermore, at his second coming, Christ will be vindicated in whatever judgement he will exact upon the perpetrators of injustice or oppression. For today the resurrection still gives hope and faith to those who suffer and to those who identify with them / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / Th.D. (Systematic Theology)

The aim of this thesis is to compare the concept of sin in the theologies of Ellen G. White and Leonardo Boff. Chapter 1 examines Ellen G. White's concept of sin. White's historical and theological backgrounds coupled with her use of the "great controversy" motif provide a better grasp of her understanding of sin. White defines sin as the transgression of God's Law. She views sin to comprise at least two dimensions, namely, the individual and the social. White regards these two aspects of sin to have equal significance. White's detailed treatment of the sanctuary teaching also highlights the two dimensions of sin. In Chapter 2 Boff' s idea of sin is investigated. Boff' s historical background, which exposed him to the poor, influenced his perception of sin. Boff's theological background together with his familiarity with Karl Marx's social analysis prompted Boff to define sin as the negation of God's love in a human history bedevilled by class conflict. Boff views sin to have the individual and social dimensions. Yet, in terms of importance, Boff believes that the social dimension of sin is more consequential than the individual one. In Chapter 3 White's and Boff s views on sin are compared. From this comparison it is evident that both White and Boff recognize the bipolarity of sin. Both seem to agree that christians should take an active role in correcting social evils because love for God is manifested by how we relate to our neighbor. Boff devotes less space to the individual aspect of sin than White. Chapter 4 shows that White's theological tradition has a lot to learn from Boff and his tradition and also vice versa. An awareness of the current priestly ministry of Christ evident in White's theology could help Boff to bring some balance to his stance on the social and the individual dimension of sin. Boff' s use of Marx's social analysis should also help Seventh-day Adventists, the inheritors of White's theology, not to interpret White's theology of sin only along individualistic lines while overlooking its social dimension. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D.Th. (Systematic Theology)

No description available.

This dissertation is a study of the role of Gustavo Gutiérrez as a public pastor in the 1980s and 1990s in Peru. His collaboration with the Lima newspaper La República from the early 1980s gave him a figurative pulpit from which he addressed the Peruvian public on specific occasions. The fundamental question in the dissertation is: How did Gutiérrez respond as pastor to the Peruvian public and how did he express his pastoral concern? The study analyses materials that has not been object for previous studies, such as theological essays and articles in newspapers and periodicals. With inspiration from discourse analysis four discourses have been identified in Gutiérrez’ texts.  These discourses interact and through this interaction Gutiérrez formulates his pastoral message. For the socio-political analysis two political discourses are used, the radical and the liberal. The radical political discourse deals with justice for the poor and liberation from oppression as a condition for peace and harmony in society, which are in focus for the liberal political discourse. With the Catholic theological discourse Gutiérrez sets the socio-political analysis in relation to Catholic doctrine and through the pastoral theological discourse he gives reason for hope and inspiration to action. As an advocate for a theology of life, Gutiérrez urges those who read and listen to him to break the pattern of death and opt for this theology of life. In his role as pastor, Gutiérrez speaks words of comfort and encouragement but also words of admonition and warning to those in power who have the capacity to transform society.