Submitted by Jadson Francisco de Jesus SILVA (jadson@uefs.br) on 2018-02-22T23:13:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodolfo Miranda - PPGE-UEFS.pdf: 3098631 bytes, checksum: 60cc9992838949bbe42aa38f4b8675b8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-22T23:13:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodolfo Miranda - PPGE-UEFS.pdf: 3098631 bytes, checksum: 60cc9992838949bbe42aa38f4b8675b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-07 / This essay?s research subject is the project developed by the National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform (PRONERA), which is into the public politics for rural education, through a partnership with the State University of Feira de Santana (UEFS), Foundation for Research, Education and Culture (FAPEC), Ministry of Agrarian Development (MDA), Regional Superintendence of the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA), Federation of Agricultural Workers in Bahia State (FETAG-BA) and the Rural Pastoral of Paulo Afonso Diocese in the modality of youth and adult literacy from 2005 to 2008. This research discussed the process of construction and development of the project, pursuing the understanding of how the program counter-hegemonic proposal was concretized. Based on the critical theory, the references used were Gramsci (1989, 2007), Ribeiro (2010) and Caldart (2004, 2009), that supported the analysis categories Counter-hegemony and Rural Education, establishing the research profile. Based on the qualitative methodology, a documentary research was used from the content analysis, which served as documents produced by the partners from PRONERA/UEFS, such as the project main text, the institution and supporting team evaluation reports, the text of interinstitutionally established agreement, the PRONERA study modules, in addition to the Program Operational Manuals. Among other findings, it was verified that the PRONERA/UEFS project, when guided in a conception of constructivist education (related to international guidelines for education in the twenty-first century, created by ONU and UNESCO), stood apart from the rural educational political principles. It denied, in a contrasting way, the origin of the educational proposal brought up from the rural social struggles in the last decades of the twentieth century. It was also verified a great number of contradictions related to the participation and role of the representatives in the triad of social movements, Incra and university on the process of implementation and proposal development, which brought implications for a satisfactory proposal implementation in its essence. These conditions risked the concept of rural education on the learning proposal, as well as the emancipatory potential, which PRONERA defends as a counter-hegemonic project from/to the social rural struggles. / O presente trabalho tem como objeto de pesquisa o projeto desenvolvido por meio Programa Nacional de Educa??o na Reforma Agr?ria (PRONERA), que se encontra dentro das pol?ticas p?blicas para a Educa??o do Campo, atrav?s da parceria entre a Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana (UEFS), a Funda??o de Apoio ? Pesquisa, Ensino e Cultura (FAPEC), o Minist?rio do Desenvolvimento Agr?rio (MDA), a Superintend?ncia Regional do Instituto Nacional de Coloniza??o e Reforma Agr?ria (INCRA), Federa??o dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura no Estado da Bahia (FETAG-BA) e a Pastoral Rural da Diocese de Paulo Afonso, na modalidade de alfabetiza??o de Jovens e Adultos, no per?odo de 2005 a 2008. A pesquisa problematizou o processo de constru??o e desenvolvimento do projeto, buscando compreender em que medida se concretizou a suposta proposta contra-hegem?nica do programa. A partir da teoria cr?tica, foram utilizadas refer?ncias como Gramsci (1989, 2007), Ribeiro (2010) e Caldart (2004, 2009), que respaldaram as categorias de an?lise Contra-hegemonia e Educa??o do Campo, demarcando o recorte de classe da pesquisa. Baseando-se na metodologia qualitativa, foi utilizada a pesquisa documental a partir da an?lise de conte?do, servindo-se de documentos produzidos pelos parceiros do PRONERA/UEFS como por exemplo, o texto base do Projeto, os relat?rios avaliativos das institui??es e equipes envolvidas ao longo do percurso, o texto do conv?nio estabelecido interinstitucionalmente, os m?dulos de estudo do PRONERA, al?m das Manuais de Opera??es do programa. Constatou-se entre outras coisas, que o projeto do PRONERA/UEFS, ao pautar-se em uma concep??o de educa??o construtivista (relacionada ?s diretrizes internacionais para a educa??o do s?culo XXI criadas pela ONU e UNESCO), distanciou-se dos princ?pios pol?ticos pedag?gicos da educa??o do campo, negando de forma contradit?ria, a g?nese da proposta educacional nascida com as lutas sociais do campo nas ?ltimas d?cadas do s?culo XX. Constatou-se tamb?m in?meras contradi??es na participa??o e papel dos representantes da tr?ade movimentos sociais, Incra e universidade no processo de implementa??o e desenvolvimento da proposta, que trouxeram implica??es para uma satisfat?ria execu??o da proposta em sua ess?ncia. Tais contradi??es colocaram sob risco a concep??o de educa??o do campo na proposta educacional, assim como o potencial emancipat?rio que o PRONERA defende enquanto projeto contra hegem?nico de/para as lutas sociais no/do campo.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:20:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria da Penha dos Santos - capitulo 1.pdf: 1591289 bytes, checksum: a63ddb16bdf312cd9a6750a0a7f1e13e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-30 / The certainty of the existence of various possibilities of presenting a place, the purpose of this work is the search for ways to express other geographical ways of thinking the being in the world. From the photographic language and poetry, our proposal is to deterritorialise the hegemonic visual discourse, using the minor literature, from the perspective of Deleuze and Guattari. In our study, we focused on the Grande Terra Vermelha region, in Vila Velha City/ES . This region is presented as a place where, since its origin, has been highlighted as violent due to the large number of murders committed in the region. Based on post-structuralist presuppositions, this experiment intends to show that there are other possible versions, especially those that occur through the poetic fables. In other words, the idea is to promote a representation beyond the commonplace, deterritorializing and blurring the standard image / Certos de que há várias possibilidades de se apresentar um lugar, o propósito deste trabalho é buscar por meios para expressar outras formas geográficas de se pensar estar no mundo. A partir da linguagem fotográfica e da poesia, a nossa proposta que consiste em desterritorializar o discurso visual hegemônico, utilizando a literatura menor, na perspectiva de Deleuze e Guattari. Em nosso estudo tomamos como foco a Região da Grande Terra Vermelha em Vila Velha/ES . Apresentamos um lugar que, desde a sua origem, vem sendo destacado como violento em função do grande número de homicídios praticado na região e isso passou a se configurar como a única forma de se referir àquele lugar. Com base nos pressupostos pós-estruturalistas esse experimento tem a intenção de mostrar que há outras versões possíveis, principalmente àquelas que se dão por meio das fabulações poéticas. Ou seja, a ideia é promover uma grafia para além desse lugar comum, desterritorializando e rasurando a imagem padronizada

The aim of this study was to examine how authors on Instagram describe masculinity norms. We aimed to further analyse how the authors illustrate the consequences of masculinity norms in relation to social problems. The study is based on 25 posts from authors on Instagram which were analysed by a content analysis method. The theoretical framework in this study consists of Connells (1995, 2008) theory of masculinity. A conception of socialization is also included (Connell 1995, 2009). The results indicated that masculinity norms have a negative impact on men by how they are expected to be, what they are expected to feel, what is allowed for them to talk about, how they should act and what sexual desires they should have. Furthermore, the study showed how masculinity norms lead up to social problems such as reluctance to seek help and using violence against others. The main conclusion of this study was that social problems often are based on the fact that men, due to present masculinity norms, are in need of proving, defending or maintaining their masculinities in different contexts. The man himself along with everyone around him are the one who pays for the consequences of masculinity norms. / Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka hur författare på Instagram beskriver maskulinitetsnormer. Syftet var även att undersöka hur författare belyser konsekvenser av maskulinitetsnormer i relation till sociala problem. Studiens empiri byggdes på 25 inlägg från medlemmar på Instagram som analyserades med hjälp av en innehållsanalys. Studiens teoretiska referensram utgjordes av Connells (1995, 2008, 2009) maskulinitetsteori. Referensramen utgjordes även av begreppet socialisation (Connell 1995, 2009). Resultatet visade att maskulinitetsnormer har en negativ inverkan på hur män förväntas vara och vad de förväntas känna, vad som är tillåtet att tala om, hur de ska bete sig och vilka sexuella begär de ska ha. Studiens resultat visade även att maskulinitetsnormer leder till sociala problem såsom en motvilja att söka hjälp och ett våldsutövande gentemot andra. Studiens huvudsakliga slutsats blev att sociala problem många gånger grundar sig i att män på grund av rådande maskulinitetsnormer, i olika sammanhang behöver bevisa, försvara eller upprätthålla sina maskuliniteter. De som får betala priset för negativa konsekvenser av maskulinitetsnormer är mannen själv likt alla andra han har runt omkring.

<p><p>This paper is about how the contemporary discourses on the slut in various ways discuss sluttyness, and what consequences these discussions may be for those who see themselves as sluts. The study is based on five electronic interviews, conducted via instant messaging, with five people who consider themselves to be dealing with sluthood and that, according to their own definitions, identify themselves as sluts. My conclusion is that sluttyness, when given the opportunity to be discussed and problematized, visualizes power and normative systems between sluts. This means that sluttyness is more complex than only influenced by patriarchal oppression and hierarchy of femininity, as I show through an intersectional conscious analysis.<p> </p><p> </p></p></p>

This paper is about how the contemporary discourses on the slut in various ways discuss sluttyness, and what consequences these discussions may be for those who see themselves as sluts. The study is based on five electronic interviews, conducted via instant messaging, with five people who consider themselves to be dealing with sluthood and that, according to their own definitions, identify themselves as sluts. My conclusion is that sluttyness, when given the opportunity to be discussed and problematized, visualizes power and normative systems between sluts. This means that sluttyness is more complex than only influenced by patriarchal oppression and hierarchy of femininity, as I show through an intersectional conscious analysis.

Syftet med denna undersökning har varit att undersöka ifall män och kvinnor representeras på lika eller olika sätt i en svensk branschtidning. Syftet har även inkluderat att studera ifall det har skett någon förändring i denna representation över tid. Därför har undersökningen innefattat ett tidsperspektiv. Tidsperspektivet har inneburit att undersökningen har utförts vid fyra olika tidsnedslag, vilka är år 1981, 1991, 2001 samt 2011. Den frågeställning som vi har avsett att besvara är: Hur har män och kvinnor porträtterats i branschtidningen Veckans Affärer från 1980-talet fram till 2010-talet? Finns det likheter och/eller skillnader? Finns det också någon skillnad i hur mycket utrymme som män respektive kvinnor har fått i branschtidningen genom åren? Undersökningen har tolkats utifrån ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av R.W. Connells teori om den hegemoniska maskuliniteten. De feministiska perspektiven liberalfeminism, radikalfeminism och marxistisk socialistisk feminism har också använts. Även Gunilla Jarlbro och Maria Edströms genomgång av genusstrukturer har använts som teoretiskt underlag i denna uppsats. Den metod som har använts till denna undersökning är dels en mindre kvantitativ räkning av samtliga nummer av tidningen Veckans Affärer under 1981, 1991, 2001 samt 2011. Därefter har en kritisk diskursanalys utförts på fyra stycken utvalda nummer från respektive tidsnedslag under undersökningsperioden. De huvudsakliga resultaten som har kunnat uttolkas i denna undersökning är att män får mycket mer utrymme i det undersökta tidningsmagasinet än vad kvinnor får. Det finns dessutom tydliga skillnader i hur män och kvinnor porträtteras i tidningsmagasinet. Den slutsats som därmed kan dras av denna undersökning är att kvinnor inte är helt jämställda män när det kommer till hur de representeras i media. / The purpose with this essay has been to study if men and women are represented in different ways in a Swedish trade magazine. The purpose has also been to study if there have occurred any differences over time. The study has therefore included a timeline where we have studied four years with ten years apart. These have been during the years of 1981, 1991, 2001 and finally 2011. The question formulation in this essay has consequently been as follows: In what ways have men and women been portrayed in the trade magazine Veckans Affärer from the 1980’s up to the 2010’s? Are there any similarities and/or differences? Is there also any difference in the amount of space that has been given to men and women in the trade magazine throughout the time? Several theories have been used in order to interpret the results of our study. These have consisted of R.W. Connell’s theory about the hegemonic masculinity, the three feministic perspectives of the liberal feminism, the radical feminism as well as the Marxist-socialistic feminism. Also the theory of different gender structures of Gunilla Jarlbro and Maria Edströms have been used. The method in this study has consisted of two steps, first has a smaller quantitative analysis been made. It has been made on all of the copies that have been published of the magazine Veckans Affärer during the time of our study, which is during 1981, 1991, 2001 and 2011. A critical discourse analysis has subsequently been made on four chosen copies from all the chosen years during the time of our study, which are 16 copies of the magazine in total. The main result that we have been able to distinguish from our material is that men in general are provided more space in the studied magazine than women are. There are also clear differences in the ways that men and women are portrayed. One of the main differences in the magazine is that women are more often than men described to be more connected to the private sphere. The conclusion one therefore can draw from our study is that little has happened over time in the area of gender research. Women are still quite unequal compared to men in the ways they are portrayed in media.

In this thesis I will demonstrate that there is a similarity between the use of physical walls and digital walls as means of ideological dissemination by power structures as well as socio-political protesters. Also, I will show that their use in this manner not only changes the way that both function ideologically, but also changes the environment that these walls are created/exist in as well. The first case study will analyze Banksy’s employment of carnivalesque graffiti as a means of protest. The second case study will analyze the use of digital public space and “walls” created within social media as tools of protest, paralleling the earlier examples pertaining to the physical walls of public space. The third case study will look at the employment of the digital “walls” of Facebook and Twitter in conjunction with the use of public space in Cairo and its role in the 2011 Egyptian Revolution.

The aim of our study was to examine how homosexual and heterosexual men and women are represented in the Swedish magazine QX, a magazine for gay, bisexual and transgender people. We wanted to find out what kind of roles the persons in QX appears in, and inquire the relationships that exist between them. We analyzed the texts in twelve magazines, from December 2008 to November 2009, in order to get the most current results as possible. We used a discourse analysis, with focus on identities, relationships and the representation of the world. Representations, gender, hegemonic masculinity and stereotypes have been significant theories to analyze our results. The results showed that the successful gay man is the most important person in QX. He is the perfect masculine macho fagot, who is highest in rank. Something we found remarkable is that the gay women are subordinate to men, despite that QX is a magazine for both parts. The results also showed that homosexual women are represented more stereotyped than the homosexual men. The heterosexual men are represented as the homosexual men’s supporter, while heterosexual women are represented very queer and argues that a human’s gender, is not primarily in focus when it comes to relations. In our results, we could also see that, generally, there is a more sexistic tone in texts about men than in texts about women.

In this thesis, the competing and shifting hegemonic discourses in Turkey-EU relations in the period between 1999 Helsinki European Council and 3 October 2005 are discussed in the framework of neo-Gramscian perspectives. In this study, initially the classic theories of European integration are analyzed and on the basis of the argument that the classic theories of European integration exhausted their potentials in explaining the European integration process, the neo-Gramscian perspectives are presented as an alternative theoretical framework. Deriving from the wavering character of Turkey-EU relations, the turning points in the related time period are defined and competing and shifting hegemonic discourses for both sides are discussed. The main argument of this thesis is that, since the very beginning of Turkey-EU relations, it has a wavering character and these relations are reproduced through the redefinition of competing and shifting hegemonic discourses with the active contribution of social actors in the related time period.

Urban Development Projects (UDPs) have become hegemonic projects of redefining urban political priorities. The political construction of UDPs could not only be investigated through analyzing capital accumulation processes. To reveal how UDPs are politically constructed, this thesis investigates how governmental and non-governmental agents form a hegemonic block to mobilize hegemonic discursive practices and coercive-legislative mechanisms in the formation of UDPs. A Lefebvrian-inspired neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective is formulated to overcome eco nomic determinist and voluntarist agent-oriented approaches. Critical realist methodology is adopted with combining deductive and inductive strategies and qualitative and quantitative methods. In the first stage of research, the thesis critically and comparatively reviews the politics of different UDPs from different countries and then deduces initial arguments from this review. In the second stage, these arguments are reconsidered in the light of the empirical evidence of the case study. New City Center and Inciralti Tourism Center Development Projects from Izmir are investigated in the case study through critical discourse analysis, questionnaires and in-depth interviews. The case study reveals how governmental and non-governmental agents collaborate to mobilize public support and consent for UDPs. The concept of &ldquo / capacity to produce consent&rdquo / is proposed to theorize hegemonically constructed discourses, activities and relations of governmental and non-governmental a gents. However this hegemonically constructed capacity is no t the only base of political power. Legislative interventions operate as coercive mechanisms and play key roles in the implementation of UDPs. UDPs are politically constructed by the complementary relation and differential articulation of hegemonically constructed capacities and coercive-legislative mechanisms.