This work considers finds of medieval glass in the historic centre of Prague on the basis of archaeological material from the National Herritage Institute excavations. Besides the typology of glass vessels, special attention is paid to the concerning the social level of the society of that time, resp. the study of glass imports that can inform us of the commercial or cultural contacts of the given locality. Especially the enameled glass play an important role in studies of the extraordinary social and economic status. The archaeological evidences of medieval glass has been found in Prague since the end of the 19 th century. The end of the sixtieths brought large finds of medieval glass fragments which most has not been studied as yet. Some of them are included into this work, which is aimed at the region of Old and New Town, whereas the finds of Prague Castle has been left aside. In the study of the popularity of glass tableware, it is possible to observe the process well documented in the majority of Czech towns. In Prague glass ware fragments appeared quite early, already in the 12th century and also in the following century glass presented luxury ware intended for the highest social level. Towards the end of the 13th century the situation began to change. During the first half of the 14th century we...

L’épitaphe est porteuse de valeurs, au premier chef identitaires et mémorielles. L’espace étudié, l’Aquitaine Seconde et la Novempopulanie aux IVe-VIIIe s. se montre, en raison d’une romanité marquée, d’un christianisme naissant et des migrations wisigothiques et franques, un terrain de jeu idéal pour discuter les identités en termes de transformations, crises en encore constructions. Reste à savoir comment les inscriptions funéraires prennent part au débat, ce qu’elles révèlent, ou non, de ces bouleversements. Or nos documents n’amènent pas si simplement dans le champ de l’histoire évènementielle ni même dans celui d’une histoire de la christianisation. Les limites des sources (datation, dispersion, laconisme) conduisent au glissement des questionnements : ne pas s’arrêter à ce que l’épitaphe dit mais réfléchir à ses manipulations. Il s’agit, en évaluant les identités transmises, en estimant la portée mémorielle de l’épitaphe, de s’interroger sur les facteurs qui poussent une part de la société du Sud-Ouest gaulois à recourir à l’écrit lapidaire. Avant d’assumer une fonction, l’épitaphe relève d’une intention, déterminée en partie par un environnement, social et culturel, peut-Être par des habitudes. Ainsi pris, le tournant invite à une autre approche des documents, celle des pratiques, des gestes, des publics et in fine celle de la culture (des cultures) qui les produit. Ce travail, fondé sur un recueil des inscriptions des régions étudiées, défend une vision globale de l’objet épigraphique, vision qui repose sur des regards tant archéologique qu’historique qui convergent vers une question : le choix de l’épitaphe et ses usages entre Loire et Pyrénées, aux IVe-VIIIe s. / The epitaph carries values of identity and memories. The regions under study, the Aquitaine Seconde and the Novempopulanie between the IVth and VIIIth c., are a perfect playground to discuss the transformation, crisis and construction of identities. Romanitas, the emergence to christianism as well Frankish and Wisigothic migrations also play important parts in this context. The underlying question is to determine to what extent funerary inscriptions can be relevant to this debate, if they reveal, or not, these changes. Our epigraphic documents do not necessarily refer to evental history nor do they evoke clearly the christianisation of territory. However the approximate dating of these sources, their scattering and their terseness, encourage us to go beyond the script itself and rather to consider its usage. In other words, the aim is to evaluate identities which are passed and their remembrance value to understand what are the factors that have fostered the choice of the epitaph by a part of the society of the south west Gallia. Prior to assuming informative and commemorative roles, the epitaph is firstly a cultural and social practice, probably motivated by habits. This perspective calls for a different approach of the epitaph, which focuses on the environment, culture and practices that produce it. This work, based on a corpus of the inscriptions of Aquitaine Seconde and Novempopulanie, defend a global vision of the epigraphic object, since its creation to its reception by different audiences. This perception being on both historical and archeological point of views, animated by a common theme: the choice and the uses of the epitaph between Loire and Pyrenees from the IVth and VIIIth c.

As perennial Christian ideals, virginity and chastity were frequent themes in medieval religious discourse. Male religious were frequently virgins and were expected to cultivate chastity; however, women not men were usually the focus of such discussions. But some monastic writers did draw on those models when considering their own spirituality, and it is worth knowing how they were understood and enlisted in those instances. To this end, I investigate five eleventh- and twelfth-century monks who wrote about monastic virginity or chastity: Anselm of Canterbury, Guibert of Nogent, Rupert of Deutz, Bernard of Clairvaux, and Ælred of Rievaulx. In my analysis, I uncover each author’s perception of virginity/chastity. Thus, I reveal that Anselm’s Deploratio is not about lost physical virginity or even sexual sin per se; it is a spiritual meditation driven by his immense fear that sinners would be forever damned. Guibert’s work exposes what a treatise on virginity could become in the hands of an adolescent struggling with sexual desire and steeped in lessons taught by his monastery. Rupert’s tract on virginity and masturbation portrays male virginity as tangible and potent. In so doing, it erects a barrier defending Rupert’s work as an exegete against detractors. For his part, Bernard teaches that what matters most is chaste humility. He also consistently links virginity with pride and false holiness, a strategy possibly linked with a battle between white and black monks. Finally, Ælred produces a model of monastic perfection that is terrifically masculine, distinctively different from virginity, and perfectly suited for his audience. In addition to uncovering each monk’s unique perception of virginity and chastity, I call attention to similarities and differences in their thought and make conclusions based on those observations. Overall, I have found not only that virginity and chastity did matter to some medieval religious men but also that the way they handle those ideals can be tremendously revealing.

As perennial Christian ideals, virginity and chastity were frequent themes in medieval religious discourse. Male religious were frequently virgins and were expected to cultivate chastity; however, women not men were usually the focus of such discussions. But some monastic writers did draw on those models when considering their own spirituality, and it is worth knowing how they were understood and enlisted in those instances. To this end, I investigate five eleventh- and twelfth-century monks who wrote about monastic virginity or chastity: Anselm of Canterbury, Guibert of Nogent, Rupert of Deutz, Bernard of Clairvaux, and Ælred of Rievaulx. In my analysis, I uncover each author’s perception of virginity/chastity. Thus, I reveal that Anselm’s Deploratio is not about lost physical virginity or even sexual sin per se; it is a spiritual meditation driven by his immense fear that sinners would be forever damned. Guibert’s work exposes what a treatise on virginity could become in the hands of an adolescent struggling with sexual desire and steeped in lessons taught by his monastery. Rupert’s tract on virginity and masturbation portrays male virginity as tangible and potent. In so doing, it erects a barrier defending Rupert’s work as an exegete against detractors. For his part, Bernard teaches that what matters most is chaste humility. He also consistently links virginity with pride and false holiness, a strategy possibly linked with a battle between white and black monks. Finally, Ælred produces a model of monastic perfection that is terrifically masculine, distinctively different from virginity, and perfectly suited for his audience. In addition to uncovering each monk’s unique perception of virginity and chastity, I call attention to similarities and differences in their thought and make conclusions based on those observations. Overall, I have found not only that virginity and chastity did matter to some medieval religious men but also that the way they handle those ideals can be tremendously revealing.

La méconnaissance de l’Auvergne durant l’Antiquité tardive tient en partie à l’absence de référentiels chrono-typologiques. La découverte récente d’ensembles céramiques conséquents et la reprise de données anciennes permettent aujourd’hui de combler ce vide documentaire. Ce travail se propose ainsi de dresser un nouveau panorama du territoire arverne durant l’Antiquité tardive et le très haut Moyen Âge (fin IIIe-milieu VIIIe siècle), d’un point de vue économique et culturel par l’étude de la céramique. L’évolution des répertoires montre que les faciès antiques persistent jusqu’au VIe siècle de même que les pratiques culinaires et les manières de table. Diversifiées jusqu’au Ve siècle, les formes et les catégories céramiques s’uniformisent au VIe siècle et, à partir du VIIe siècle, les productions réductrices et les récipients fermés à usage culinaire prédominent. L’étude d’ensembles funéraires des IVe et Ve siècles montre l’insertion du territoire arverne dans l’évolution des pratiques funéraires alors en cours en Gaule. L’Auvergne se démarque néanmoins par le nombre élevé des vases céramiques déposés dans les tombes et par la préférence donnée aux récipients à solides dans la composition du repas funéraire.Les importations indiquent que le territoire arverne est bien inséré dans les circuits commerciaux à la fin de l’Antiquité. Leurs quantités parfois faibles suggèrent cependant un approvisionnement parcimonieux, qui place l’Auvergne aux confins des aires de diffusion de la plupart des productions commercialisées, comme en « bout de circuits ». Les correspondances établies avec les céramiques des IVe et Ve siècles des autres régions de Gaule du Centre montrent l’existence de traditions de fabrication communes et l’ensemble de ces territoires pourrait appartenir à une même entité économique et culturelle. Le sud du territoire arverne apparaît en revanche tourné vers les régions méridionales, comme l’a montré l’étude des céramiques des VIe et VIIe siècles du site lozérien de La Malène, influencées par les faciès de Gaule du Sud / The sparse knowledge of the late antiquity in Auvergne is partly due to the absence of chronological typology for this period. The recent uncovering of significant ceramic assemblages and the reassessment of pastdata make it possible today to fill this research gap. This thesis attempts to bring new light to the Arverne territory, its economy and culture, in the late antiquity and the early middle ages (from the late 3rd century to the mid-8th century), through the study of its pottery. The evolution observed in the repertory shows that the antique facies remained until the 6th century, as well as the culinary practices and table manners. Until the 5th century,forms and types of ceramics are very varied, becoming more standardized in the next century, and finally starting in the 7th century, closed culinary vessels are predominant.The study of funerary assemblages from the 4th and 5th centuries, demonstrates how the Arverne territory participated in the general evolution of funerary practices in Gaul. However the Auvergne region stands out by the considerable number of ceramic vases found in tombs and the clear preference for solid food vessels in funerary repasts.The presence of imported goods is evidence that the Arverne territory was part of the commercial routes by the end of Antiquity. However the small amounts of importations imply a parsimonious procurement, which would mean that the Auvergne region was actually located on the outer limits of the distribution areas of most industrial productions. The correlations established with 4th and 5th century pottery from other areas of Central Gaul could be proof of a common tradition of production, and how such territories could have possibly belonged to a same cultural and economic entity. The South of the Arverne territory seemed however more influenced by southern Gaul as shown by the study of 6th and 7th century pottery from the lozerian site of La Malène