台北市身心障礙領域工作整合型社會企業之浮現，與鑲嵌在身心障礙福利改革脈絡中庇護工場之組織變遷有關。職此，本研究旨從歷史制度論觀點，結合文獻分析法與深度訪談法，探討我國庇護工場、工作整合型社會企業相關政策立法之歷史變革，並研究行動者與身心障礙福利制度之間的交互作用如何形塑台北市非營利身心障礙就業組織制度場域—從庇護工場到現行庇護工場與工作整合型社會企業兩種制度並立的演進歷程，進而理解身心障礙領域工作整合型社會企業的現況挑戰與未來發展圖像。主要的研究發現如下：首先，台北市非營利身心障礙組織創建工作整合型社會企業的外生動因包括，政府補助誘因、身心障礙就業相關法規與政策之瑕疵、沉痾的身心障礙者失業問題、外在財務資源的緊縮、日益盛行的社會企業概念；而內在動因則主要是組織為實踐其理念宗旨與招募合適的經營管理人才兩面向。其次，台北市身心障礙領域工作整合型社會企業成立的關鍵時刻為第三部門組織採納台北市勞動局於2011年所研擬之政策方案；此外，部分由庇護工場所轉型的工作整合型社會企業發生了路徑依賴現象。最後，未來台北市身心障礙領域工作整合型社會企業可發展網絡與協力夥伴關係，並有朝向「四重底線」、作為一般勞動市場而與庇護工場同時並存之發展趨勢。 / The emergence of work integration social enterprises (hereafter WISEs) for the disabled in Taipei is related to the organizational changes of sheltered workshops embedded in the context of the disability welfare reforms. Hence, this dissertation adopts the approach of historical institutionalism and the research methods of secondary literature analysis and in-depth interviews to discuss the historical changes of sheltered workshops and WISEs-related policies and legislation; to explore the interaction between actors and the disability welfare institutions in inducing the process of transformation from “sheltered workshop only” system to one where sheltered workshops and WISEs coexist; and to further discuss the challenges and future scenarios of WISEs for the disabled in Taipei. This study finds that firstly, the exogenous factors of the institutional transformation include: government’s policy incentives, the flaws of disability employment regulations and policies, persistent disabled unemployment issues, the tightening of external financial resources, and the growing popularity of the concept of social enterprise. The ideals of the non-profit organizations and the participation of management experts in these organizations appear to be the endogenous factors. The critical juncture of establishing WISEs for the disabled in Taipei is the implementation of WISE policy by some non-profit organizations in 2011. Path dependence is observed in the transformation of some sheltered workshops into WISEs. Finally, the prospects of WISEs for the disabled in Taipei are building resources network and the collaborative partnership, procuring the “quadruple bottom line”, and coexisting with sheltered workshops simultaneously.

Ce mémoire vise à évaluer les réformes consistant à encadrer le pouvoir de nomination que confère la prérogative royale au premier ministre. Notre étude s’inspire largement de l’institutionnalisme historique en science politique et des analyses en termes de « path dependency ». Selon cette approche, lorsque les décideurs amorcent une trajectoire de politique publique, leurs décisions subséquentes auront tendance à suivre la même direction. À partir des documents gouvernementaux et des transcriptions de comités parlementaires, ainsi que de l’exemple de la Grande-Bretagne, ce travail cherche à évaluer si les réformes visant à contraindre le pouvoir de nomination du premier ministre canadien ont suivi une trajectoire « path dependent ». Nos conclusions nous amènent plutôt à constater qu’en ce qui concerne les nominations, le Canada est plus monarchique que la Grande-Bretagne. Pour le Canada, l’impression générale qui se dégage à la fin de ce mémoire n’en est pas une de « path dependence » mais plutôt d’incrémentalisme disjoint. / This paper aims to assess the reforms that regulate the appointment power conferred by the Royal Prerogative to the Prime minister. Our study is largely based on historical institutionalism in political science and analysis in terms of “path dependency”. This theory argues that once policymakers begin a course of public policy, their subsequent decisions will follow the same direction. Based on governmental documents, transcripts of parliamentary committees and the example of Great Britain, this work seeks to assess whether the reforms to constrain the appointment power of the Prime Minister of Canada validates the “path dependence” approach. Our findings leads us rather to see that with regard to appointments, Canada is more monarchical than Great Britain. Our general conclusion is that the Canadian approach is not “path dependent” but can be better described as “disjointed incrementalism”.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Ce mémoire vise à évaluer les réformes consistant à encadrer le pouvoir de nomination que confère la prérogative royale au premier ministre. Notre étude s’inspire largement de l’institutionnalisme historique en science politique et des analyses en termes de « path dependency ». Selon cette approche, lorsque les décideurs amorcent une trajectoire de politique publique, leurs décisions subséquentes auront tendance à suivre la même direction. À partir des documents gouvernementaux et des transcriptions de comités parlementaires, ainsi que de l’exemple de la Grande-Bretagne, ce travail cherche à évaluer si les réformes visant à contraindre le pouvoir de nomination du premier ministre canadien ont suivi une trajectoire « path dependent ». Nos conclusions nous amènent plutôt à constater qu’en ce qui concerne les nominations, le Canada est plus monarchique que la Grande-Bretagne. Pour le Canada, l’impression générale qui se dégage à la fin de ce mémoire n’en est pas une de « path dependence » mais plutôt d’incrémentalisme disjoint. / This paper aims to assess the reforms that regulate the appointment power conferred by the Royal Prerogative to the Prime minister. Our study is largely based on historical institutionalism in political science and analysis in terms of “path dependency”. This theory argues that once policymakers begin a course of public policy, their subsequent decisions will follow the same direction. Based on governmental documents, transcripts of parliamentary committees and the example of Great Britain, this work seeks to assess whether the reforms to constrain the appointment power of the Prime Minister of Canada validates the “path dependence” approach. Our findings leads us rather to see that with regard to appointments, Canada is more monarchical than Great Britain. Our general conclusion is that the Canadian approach is not “path dependent” but can be better described as “disjointed incrementalism”.

This thesis addresses the question as to why multilevel politics is becoming an integral part of politics in Europe. Multilevel politics is conceptualized as a system which functions through a complex web of political relations within and across levels of decision making. The thesis argues that the rise of multilevel politics can be explained by its institutionalization in terms of the emergence, the evolution and especially the effects of relevant institutions. Based on a mixed-method research project, the influence of European institutions on subnational actors and the alignment of actor motives with institutional characteristics are empirically shown. The first chapter of the dissertation establishes the centrality of institutions for political transformation, examines the role of transnational and domestic institutions for multilevel politics, and contextualizes the research question in terms of institution-actor relations. The second chapter develops a new-institutionalist theoretical framework that explains the emergence, the evolution and the effects of the institutions, and formulates a series of hypotheses with regard to freestanding institutional influence, power distribution, material benefits and political identification. The third chapter outlines the mixed-method research design which addresses individual-level and institutional-level variations through a Europe-wide survey and a comparative case study. The fourth chapter on survey results shows generally favourable views on multilevel politics, and strong associations of these views with the independent variables under scrutiny. The fifth chapter specifies a multivariate model which includes all posited variables and confirms the majority of the hypotheses. Therefore, the new-institutionalist argument is broadly confirmed, while there is relatively weak evidence to sustain sociological explanations. The final chapter compares the Committee of the Regions and the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, and examines the institutional characteristics which correspond to the hypothesized variables. It is then concluded that the two institutions share several overarching similarities, and display complementarity in other aspects.

Submitted by ASSIS MAFORT OUVERNEY (assismafort@gmail.com) on 2015-05-15T22:02:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Doutorado - Assis Mafort.pdf: 4067305 bytes, checksum: 0e8177a000e1dd0cd935daa50e045596 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2015-05-19T12:18:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Doutorado - Assis Mafort.pdf: 4067305 bytes, checksum: 0e8177a000e1dd0cd935daa50e045596 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2015-05-21T17:32:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Doutorado - Assis Mafort.pdf: 4067305 bytes, checksum: 0e8177a000e1dd0cd935daa50e045596 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-21T17:36:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Doutorado - Assis Mafort.pdf: 4067305 bytes, checksum: 0e8177a000e1dd0cd935daa50e045596 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-20 / This thesis aimed to explain the political and institutional dynamics that polarized the intergovernmental relations in health policy at the end of the 1990s. Polarization was characterized by the simultaneous presence of a significant degree of decentralization and high normative and financial regulatory capacity of the Ministry of Health. In the Brazilian literature, previous approaches produced partial explanations based on specific variables. These includes the option for a highly decentralized health system of the Constitution of 1988, the preferences of the Sanitary Reform Movement for local policies, Basic Operational Norms – NOBs content, historical legacy of centralized health policies and the agenda of economic reforms in the 90’s, among others. This thesis proposes a Historical-Institutionalist explanation that integrates all this conditioning factors around a sequential explanation of health sector reform. In this approach, the trajectory of intergovernmental relations is the result of a long chain of decisions taken in concrete political contexts of the three governments in the 90s (Collor, Itamar and FHC). The choices of a government affected the range of options available to the next one, producing a dynamics of path dependence. Therefore, polarization is an unintended outcome of a sequence of decisions that concentrated power, responsibilities and resources simultaneously in the Ministry of Health and municipalities. / A presente tese teve como objetivo explicar a dinâmica político-institucional que produziu um quadro de relações intergovernamentais polarizado na política de saúde no âmbito do SUS ao final da década de 1990. Tal polarização ocorreu em virtude da presença simultânea de expressivo grau de municipalização e elevada capacidade indutiva e regulatória do Ministério da Saúde. As abordagens anteriores presentes na literatura sobre a descentralização do SUS produziam explicações parciais em virtude de apontarem como fatores explicativos da polarização um conjunto de razões específicas, em especial o escopo expressivamente descentralizador da Constituição de 1988, as preferências municipalistas do Movimento da Reforma Sanitária, o conteúdo das normas operacionais, o legado centralizador da trajetória da política de saúde no Brasil, a agenda centralizadora das reformas econômicas realizadas a partir da implementação do Plano Real, entre outros. Com base no arcabouço teórico do NeoInstitucionalismo Histórico, essa tese propõe uma abordagem que integra os diversos fatores condicionantes do jogo federativo setorial em torno de uma explicação sequencial das decisões que marcaram a trajetória da descentralização do SUS. Nessa abordagem, a trajetória das relações intergovernamentais é o resultado cumulativo de uma longa cadeia de decisões tomadas em contextos singulares que marcaram os governos Collor, Itamar e FHC, onde a escolha de um governo afetou o leque de opções disponíveis ao governo seguinte, deixando-lhe menos margem de mudança. Nessa lógica, a polarização federativa é vista como o produto não intencional de uma sequência de decisões que, acumuladas ao longo da década, concentraram poder, atribuições e recursos na União e nos municípios.

In a series of landmark rulings on patient mobility and cross-border healthcare, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has made clear that Member States’ healthcare systems have to comply with the rules of the EU’s Internal Market when it comes to individual patient rights and the non-discrimination of healthcare providers. The rulings increased the possibilities for EU Member State citizens to get medical treatment in another Member State (“cross-border healthcare”), yet providing that under certain conditions the home Member State has to pay for these treatments in the other country. After a decade of negotiations, these rulings have been codified in a European Directive. Assuming that European integration has an impact on national welfare states and taking the example of European rules on access to cross-border healthcare, this thesis suggests analyzes the domestic impact of European integration in terms of Europeanization of the Austrian healthcare system within the context of the interplay between actors’ interests and practices on the one hand, and institutional effects on the other. European cross-border healthcare in forms of regional projects and privately or publicly organized healthcare arrangements has already become a reality in many European countries, especially in border regions. The main research questions which guides this thesis can be be put as follows: How does European integration in healthcare impact on the interests, practices and strategies of national actors that operate between national institutional constraints and European opportunities? And if national actors’ interests and strategies change, does this in turn have repercussions on the national institutional rules of healthcare governance? Given that European integration in healthcare delivery is a rather a “recent” phenomenon, and based on the assumption that actors’ strategies change more easily than national institutions, the following hypothesis is tested: Even if national healthcare actors use Europe – and hence their practices and strategies change – their interests remain largely determined by the national institutional set-up of the healthcare system. The institutional boundaries of the national healthcare system may have become porous, but for the time being they remain intact. The main findings of this study confirm the hypothesis and can be summarized as follows: Austrian actors responsible for the delivery of healthcare actively integrate various usages Europe into their existing practices of healthcare governance. These usages of Europe are more frequent at European level than at national level. Those actors who have important legal competencies, financial resources, and hence power in healthcare governance at national level, are also in a better position to use Europe effectively than those actors who lack such national resources. Limited usages of Europe at national level by corporate actors can best be accounted for by practices of consensually governing a typically Bismarckian healthcare system. None of the actors analysed, no matter how critical their stance vis-à-vis their own healthcare system might be, puts into question the legitimacy of the national healthcare system in the light of increased European competencies in regulating cross-border healthcare. Advancing European integration, mainly through the ECJ’s rulings on cross-border healthcare, might have rendered national institutional boundaries porous, but national institutions retain – at least for the time being – their power of channelling actors’ interests and of influencing corresponding practices of healthcare governance. These results invite us to further investigate which kind of healthcare governance structures are being developed at European level in parallel to those existing at national level, and to what extent Bismarckian welfare regimes might be showing resistance to institutional change induced by European integration. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The research undertaken represents an in-depth study of gender and economics from a multi-disciplinary perspective. By drawing on economic, social policy and political science literature it makes an original contribution to the disciplines of economics and feminist economics by advancing ideas on a feminist theory of policy change and institutional design. Equally, the study develops a framework for a multi-method approach to feminist research with applied policy focus by establishing a pragmatic feminist research paradigm. By espousing multiple research philosophies, it extends understanding of gender differences in policy outcomes by connecting theories from feminist economics, feminist historical institutionalism and ideational processes. Jointly funded by the Economic and Social Research Council UK and the Scottish Government, this project attempts to answer three key questions: What is the relative position of men and women in the Scottish economy and how do childcare responsibilities influence these? Which institutions, structures and processes have been instrumental in embedding gender in Scottish economic policy? To what extent and how is the Scottish Government’s approach to economic policy gendered? Quantitative analysis reveals persistently disproportionate differences in men and women’s position in the labour market. Women remain over-represented in part-time employment and in the public sector in the 10years under investigation. Using panel data, the multinomial logistic regression estimation of patterns in labour market transitions equally reveal disproportionate gendered patterns, with families with dependent children 0-4years at a disadvantage to those without. Qualitative analysis indicates that these differences are partly explained by the fact that the unpaid economy still remains invisible to policymakers despite changes in the institutional design, policy processes and the approach to equality policymaking undertaken in Scotland. Unpaid childcare work is not represented as policy relevant and the way gender, equality and gender equality are conceptualised within institutional sites and on political agendas pose various challenges for policy development on unpaid childcare work and gender equality in general. Additionally, policymakers in Scotland do not integrate both the paid and unpaid economies in economic policy formulation since social policy and economic policy are designed separately. The study also establishes that the range of institutions and actors that make-up the institutional setting for regulating and promoting equality, influence how equality issues are treated within a national context. In Scotland, equality regulating institutions such as parliament, the Scottish Government, equality commission and the law are instrumental variables in determining the range of equality issues that are embedded in an equality infrastructure and the extent to which equality issues, including gender, are consequently embedded in public policy and government budgets. Significantly despite meeting all the attributes of an equality issue, unpaid care is not classified as a protected characteristic in the Equality legislation. These institutions can ameliorate, sustain or perpetuate the delivery of unequitable policy outcomes for men and women in the mutually dependent paid and unpaid economy. Thus, economic, social and political institutions are not independent from one another but are interrelated in complex ways that subsequently have material consequences on men and women in society. In summary, there are interlinkages between the law, labour market, the unpaid economy, the welfare state and gendered political institutions such that policy or institutional change in one will be dependent on or trigger change in another. These institutions are gendered, but are also interlinked and underpin the gender structure of other institutions to the extent that the gendered norms and ideas embedded in one institution, for example legislation or political institutions, structure the gendered dimensions of the labour market, welfare state, and the unpaid economy. By shedding light on institutional and political forces that regulate equality in addition to macroeconomic forces, the analysis reveals the important role of institutions, policy actors and their ideas as instrumental forces which constantly define, redefine and reconstruct the labour market experiences of men and women with significant material consequences.

No description available.