本論文採取歷史制度主義作為研究途徑，分析相關研究文獻，以台灣的經建會與南韓的經濟企劃院為例，探討身處全球化浪潮下，台韓兩國國家角色轉變之過程。在全球化的脈絡下，本論文以台韓兩國隨著民主化與自由化的發展，歷經威權體制轉型時期、亞洲金融危機發生階段與危機結束後，政府中制定與推動經濟政策者，即台灣的經建會與南韓的經濟企畫院，對於經濟政策之作為，分析兩國國家角色的轉變、原因及所產生的影響。 自90年代開始全球化的影響力遽增，台韓兩國歷經政治民主化與經濟自由化，使國家角色由過去威權體制時期的政府領導且高度介入的地位，因自由市場體制所致而失去領導能力之模式，至歷經1998年亞洲金融危機時期，兩國政府為因應危機引發經濟成長減緩等問題，使國家角色領導能力更為減弱，至亞洲金融危機結束後2000年，台灣面臨首次政黨輪替以及南韓經濟開始復甦的情況下，兩國國家角色對於經濟政策的領導能力，再次產生轉變，台灣的情況因朝野對立而引發政治失序，使經濟政策窒礙難行，國家角色主導經濟發展程度更為減弱，南韓則由於全球化與自由化的影響，財閥完全主導經濟發展的方向，使政府退位為管理者的角色。 / This research adopts the approaches of historical institutionalism and literature analysis to provide a comparative study of the transformations of the state role in South Korea and Taiwan in an attempt to shed a light on the study of the relationships between globalization and state role. Focusing on the economic policies of government, this dissertation examines the transformations of state role in South Korean and Taiwan since the two countries embarked upon economic liberalization and political democratization in the 1990s in the broad context of globalization. The impact of the transformations of state role upon their respective politico-economic developments will also be discussed. It is argued that under the impact of globalization, South Korea’s and Taiwan’s development trajectories are similar. However, different politico-economic institutions impact upon the economic policies of government in the two countries, hence the state role. It is nonetheless observed that the advancement of globalization, the state role of South Korea and Taiwan should supervise economic development in order to weather the global financial storm.

近二十年來，中國大陸與印度無論在經濟發展，或是國民平均所得都呈現出快速的成長，它也直接促進了兩國的金融體系發生結構性的改變。在資金流動持續的成長及資本市場自由化的時代下，金融擴張、多樣性及全球化已成為必然的趨勢。所以，90年代以來金融自由化已成為中、印兩國，在經濟發展的政策上最重要的一項議題。 本文的研究範圍：是以中國大陸與印度銀行部門的市場化改革作比較研究，分析兩國銀行部門從金融抑制到自由化的過程，依據轉型的過程要素：自由化、穩定化、私有化、制度建立及結構改變等評估指標，檢視中、印兩國銀行部門改革的成效。並採取歷史制度研究途徑及比較法，分別從中、印兩國的國內政經環境、國際金融及國際建制的規範，比較兩國銀行部門改革的原因與轉型的差異，以深入了解中國大陸及印度銀行部門改革的目標及對經濟發展的影響。 研究發現印度銀行體系的制度建立及監管的規範雖然較中國大陸完善，但是在資金運用的效能及經濟的發展上都不如中國大陸。它主要的原因在於兩國的政治體制不同，影響了改革的執行成效。因此，制度的建立與執行要能互相配合才會有實質的成效，否則即使有了完善的制度，但是缺乏貫徹到底的執行力，最終仍將走向失敗。 / For the past twenty years, China and India have seen rapid growth in both economic development and Gross National Product (GNP), which prompted structural transformation in the financial sectors of both countries as well. In an age of growing capital flows and liberalizing capital market, the trends of financial expansion, variety and globalization have become inevitable. Therefore, since the 1990s, financial liberalization has become the issue of utmost importance in economic development policy-making in China and India. This study aims to conduct a comparative research of market reforms in the banking sectors in China and India to analyze the processes from financial repression to liberalization in the banking sectors of both countries. With the factors of transformation—liberalization, stabilization, institutionalization, and structural transformation—as indicators for assessment, this study examines the effectiveness of banking reforms in China and India. By means of historical institutionalist approach and comparative method, this study compares the reasons for reforms and differences in transformations between the banking sectors in the two countries in terms of domestic politico-economic environment, and standards of global finance/ international institutions so as to delve into the reform objectives for banking sectors in China and India and their influence on economic development. The findings of this study indicate that Indian banking sector have sounder institutions and regulations than China; however, they lag behind their counterparts in China in terms of efficient application of funds and economic development. The key factor is that the two countries have different political institutions, which influences the effectiveness of banking reforms. Therefore, only a coordinated effort of institutionalization and implementation may yield substantial results. Otherwise, a sound system without the executive power to carry through is yet doomed to failure.

Submitted by Pedro Henrique Giocondo Guerra (pedrogiocondoguerra@gmail.com) on 2014-03-31T18:28:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_de_mestrado_Pedro_Guerra.pdf: 1750136 bytes, checksum: 780ca20cad31dcd4db57da366f768bd8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by PAMELA BELTRAN TONSA (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2014-03-31T18:31:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_de_mestrado_Pedro_Guerra.pdf: 1750136 bytes, checksum: 780ca20cad31dcd4db57da366f768bd8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-03-31T18:36:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_de_mestrado_Pedro_Guerra.pdf: 1750136 bytes, checksum: 780ca20cad31dcd4db57da366f768bd8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-27 / The work offers a historical analysis of the recent measures adopted by the Brazilian federal government for the development of the railways sector, with an aim to verify if the Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento, PAC, represented a paradigm shift. We conclude that the PAC itself did not represent a shift from the paradigm inaugurated with the privatization of the sector that occurred between 1996 and 1998. Nonetheless, it represented the strengthening of the state in its planning role, which had started with the PNLT, in its entrepreneurial role, with the strengthening of Valec and, indirectly, in its regulating role, with the edition of resolutions by ANTT, which aimed to integrate the railway networks under the care of private companies and make them more competitive. / O trabalho analisa historicamente as recentes medidas do governo federal para o desenvolvimento do setor de ferrovias, buscando verificar se o PAC representou uma mudança de paradigma. Conclui-se que o PAC, em si, não rompeu com o paradigma inaugurado pela desestatização do setor, ocorrida entre 1996-1998. No entanto, reforçou o papel do Estado como planejador, iniciado com o PNLT, como empresário, com o fortalecimento da Valec e, de maneira indireta, como regulador, com o a edição de novas resoluções pela ANTT, em resposta a seus objetivos de integrar as malhas ferroviárias concedidas e de torná-las mais competitivas.

The UN has a goal to gender-mainstream all politics, but its politics in climate change is not gender-sensitive. The Swedish government has the same goal concerning gender mainstreaming, but does the Swedish politics of climate change reach this goal? The aim of this paper is to examine the relations between the Swedish politics of gender and climate change. In addition, the aim is also to investigate how gender is constructed in the climate politics. To reach these aims, an institutional, policy and gender analysis is used. The paper concludes that the climate change politics is built upon several policy processes, however the gender policy process has little influence in the climate change policy. Generally, gender is not constructed in the climate change policy, it appears that gender is only constructed in a context of poverty.

This study focuses upon the new societal objects that are termed public private partnerships where the public sector forms strategic alliances with the private sector and the civil society to manage the wicked issues of today. An exampel of such cooperation is Vänerhamn AB where the municipalities around the lake of Vänern and the private shipping companies got togheter to handle an economic crisis of the shipping buisiness. The partnership Vänerhamn has developed from a problematic activity to a healthy company and the aim of this thesis is to illuminate this development through an historical institutional approach, focusing critical juncture to discover if the governance theory can be used to understand the partnerships positive process.   This will be done through research questions about the organisation of the partnership, about the members interests with the partnership and about eventually coordination problems in the partnership. The questions derive from dimensions in governance theory, central for the activity of partnerships. Interviews with central informants where held and it was complemented through a document analyses in order to search for indications of the dimensions and that is the methodological approach of the study.   The conclusion of this thesis is that the governance theory can be used to understand Vänerhamns postive development since the members interest with the partnership to a begining was not at all conformed and that led to obvious coordination problems. With more conformed interests the coordination problems were almost absent and the partnership made success. In this case the organisation of the partnership did not matter as it was a registered company during the whole time. The central sapiency of the thesis is that the public sector has to learn more about the private sector and vice versa.

The essay aims to compare Swedish and Finnish decisions regarding refugee policies by tracing them back to the critical junctures when the policies were established, in order to explain why there are big differences prevalent today. The questions asked involve the motivations of the refugee policies and how they have changed over time. The theoretical framework employed is based on historical institutionalism and path dependency. By using a most similar system design and process tracing, material in the form of government declarations and government bills are studied and summed up in two analytical models. The results show that there might be a weak path dependency in the case of Finland. However it is more apparent in the case of Sweden, with frequent statements of a generous refugee policy that is characterised by humanity. The conclusions drawn are that the differences between the refugee policies might be due to the fact that the refugee policies are motivated in different ways in the two countries. Furthermore, Sweden has had an established policy for a long time whereas Finland has only just started developing this program.

The aim of this thesis is to study state regulation of anti-democratic parties, i.e. party regulation. The term ‘Party regulation’ refers to laws that may regulate the activities and behavior of political parties. This thesis uses a comparative method, conducted on three European countries which regulate anti-democratic parties differently. The cases studied are Germany, Spain and Sweden.The basis for understanding state regulation of anti-democratic parties rests on a historical institutionalist perspective along with theories of democratic tolerance. The analysis reveals that states regulate anti-democratic parties differently as a result of their historical past which has made them adopt different ideas of how political parties should be seen. Further, the analysis shows that there is no connection between the party regulation adopted and the effect it has on the anti-democratic parties.

This Ph.D. thesis discusses the evolution and current situation regarding availability of healthcare for third countries migrants in the Czech Republic. In terms of methodology, the author has chosen a qualitative approach. The research design is a historical case study. The thesis uses a combination of "desk research" and empirical survey based on 56 in-depth interviews with migrants, healthcare providers and experts who come into contact with migrants during the course of their work. Based on the approach of historical institutionalism, the author is explaining policy of migrants' health insurance evolution in Czech Republic since 1993 till today. The author identifies the key events and the roles of particular actors within the observed "sub- system" of public policy. From the viewpoint of migrants and healthcare providers, the thesis also presents how the current institutionalised set-up of migrants' health policy transfers into the real access to healthcare for migrants. It also identifies the main barriers to health care accessibility and the consequences of possible health care unavailability. Key words: migrants, health care availability, health insurance, historical institutionalism, barriers to health care access

The purpose of this study is to analyse the parliamentary structure and tasks of Bosnia and Herzegovina to see the limitations it has on the progress to democracy. By studying the Dayton accords appendix four (the constitution) and article four (the parliamentary assembly). In the analysis two theories was used, historical institutionalism and rational choice theory to help find answers to the purpose. With the thematic analysis method to analyse the material and to find themes in the data these three themes was put together, complex parliamentary structure, discrimination against minorities and the balance of power between the various institutions and actors. The material was some scientific reports and books by a variety of different authors and the Dayton accords. The analysis shows that the parliament structure is structured in a non-democratic way, the function of the structure is to keep and preserve the peace in the region. In conclusion the Dayton accords is the main reason for the structure of parliament and that it was made for peacekeeping, not necessarily to create a democratic state. Why there has not been any reform or change in the structure is because the political elite has it easier to gain their own interest with this structure rather than a democratic structure.

TĚLUPIL, Vojtěch. Vliv historické zkušenosti na současná politická rozhodnutí: rozdíl v českých a slovenských postojích k uznání Jeruzaléma jako hlavního města Izraele. Praha, 2022. 50 s. Diplomová práce (Mgr.). Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut mezinárodních studií. Katedra německých a rakouských studií. Vedoucí diplomové práce doc. Mgr. Tomáš Weiss, M.A., Ph.D. Abstract The question of the different attitudes towards Jerusalem and the historical relationship with Israel between the Czech Republic and Slovakia seems to be primarily a question of stabilization and destabilization of power (and differently applied ideological control) of communist Czechoslovakia of 1948-1989, with the radical break with in 1989, resp. after its division in 1992 into two successor states. The main goal of this thesis was to compare these attitudes using methods and approaches of historical institutionalism. The way in which the institutional environment for foreign policy-making was set up at the beginning of the 1990s in the form of a commitment to continuity with Czechoslovak foreign policy after 1992. Natural non-institutional factors such as the specific role of the presidency or the stability of the executive environment in the successor states naturally played another role, but from the point of view...