Historians John W. Dower, Craig Cameron, and Ronald Takaki argue that the Pacific War was a war of extermination fueled by race hate. Therefore, the clash between the military forces of the Japanese Empire and United States of America yielded a "kill or be killed" environment across the battlefields of the Pacific. This work examines the conduct of the Second Marine Division during its campaign of conquest against the Japanese held island of Saipan from June 15, 1944-July 9, 1944. It is based upon traditional military history sources to test their theories in context of the conduct of Marines toward Japanese soldiers and civilians during the Saipan campaign. Did Marines practice a war of extermination or conduct themselves in a humane manner?

In mid-April 1945, US and UK forces swept through Germany. The Western Allies had spent years preparing for the moment, cultivating a civil affairs capacity since the Interwar Period and devoting thousands of hours to planning for the occupation. However, the rapid pace of the advance stretched the new capability beyond its limits as frontline forces seized large swaths of Germany and encountered exponentially increasing numbers of displaced persons. The accidental discoveries of Buchenwald and Bergen-Belsen and the tens of thousands of survivors suffering appalling levels of starvation and disease overwhelmed the forces dispatched to address the sites, resulting in a sluggish response. Significant flaws in Allied planning assumptions caused the breakdown that potentially cost hundreds of unnecessary deaths. Yet, operational staff officers from the Supreme Headquarters down to the division level recognized the poor response and, in two short weeks, adapted the plan to address the conditions on the front. Policy adjustments and messages from General Eisenhower removed ambiguity in existing guidance and provided clear direction to frontline forces. More importantly, the Western Allies formally merged the campaign plan guiding combat operations, OVERLORD, with the plan for occupation, ECLIPSE. The changes produced a marked improvement in the US liberation of Dachau on 29 April 1945, thereby demonstrating adaptation and innovation at the operational level of war.

Rapidly initiated at the national, regional, and local levels, the American glider pilot training program came about due to a perceived need after successful German operations at the outset of World War II. Although the national program successfully produced the required number of pilots to facilitate combat operations, numerous changes and improvisation came to characterize the program. Like other American military initiatives in the twentieth century, the War Department applied massive amounts of effort, dollars, and time to a program that proved to be short-lived in duration because it was quickly discarded when new technologies appeared. At the local level, the real loser was Lamesa, Texas. Bearing the brunt of these changes by military decision makers, the citizens of Lamesa saw their hard-fought efforts to secure an airfield fall quickly by the wayside in the wake of changing national defense priorities. As generations continue to pass and memories gradually fade, it is important to document and understand the relationship between this military platform that saw limited action and a small Texas town that had a similarly short period of significance to train the pilots who flew the aircraft.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This thesis looks at the role that public history, expressed through civic pride and public memory, and military history have played in shaping the history of Vincennes, Indiana, from the battle fought by George Rogers Clark to the memorial named after him and finally with the four United States Navy ships named Vincennes.

This thesis will contend that a permanent body of military force under royal command, a ‘standing army’, arose during the first three decades of the seventeenth century in France. Such a development constituted a transformation in the nature of the monarchy’s armed forces. It was achieved by encouraging elements of the French nobility to become long-term office-holders within royal military institutions. Those members of the nobility who joined the standing army were not coerced into doing so by the crown, but joined the new body of force because it provided them with a means of achieving one of the fundamental ambitions of the French nobility: social advancement for their family. The first four chapters of this thesis thus look at how the standing army emerged via the entrenchment of a system of permanent infantry regiments within France. They look at how certain families, particularly from the lower and middling nobility, attempted to monopolise offices within the regiments due to the social benefits they conferred. Some of the consequences that arose from the army becoming an institution in which ‘careers’ could be pursued, such as promotion and venality, will be examined, as will how elements of the the nobility were vital to the expansion of the standing army beyond its initial core of units. Chapters Five and Six will investigate how the emergence of this new type of force affected the most powerful noblemen of the realm, the grands. In particular, it will focus on those grands who held the prestigious supra-regimental military offices of Constable and Colonel General of the Infantry. The thesis concludes that the emergence of the standing army helped to alter considerably the relationship between the monarchy and the nobility by the end of the period in question. A more monarchy-centred army and state had begun to emerge in France by the late 1620s; a polity which might be dubbed the early ‘absolute monarchy’. However, such a state of affairs had only arisen due to the considerable concessions that the monarchy had made to the ambitions of certain elements of the nobility.

Au Québec, la mémoire de la Grande Guerre renvoie automatiquement à une vision douloureuse de l’événement. Créée et alimentée par des souvenirs à forte charge émotive tels la crise de la conscription, les émeutes de Pâques et l’inhospitalité de l’Armée canadienne envers les combattants canadiens-français, cette mémoire est non seulement négative, mais également victimisante. Dans leur récit du conflit, les Québécois ont pris pour vérité une version qui les dépeint comme boucs émissaires des Canadiens anglais. Acceptée et intégrée autant dans l’historiographie que dans la croyance collective, cette thèse du Canadien français opprimé n’a jamais été questionnée. Ce mémoire entend donc revisiter cette version en la confrontant aux sources laissées par les contemporains. En utilisant la presse anglophone et les témoignages de combattants, il lève le voile sur le regard anglo-saxon envers les Canadiens français et dans une plus large mesure, sur les relations interethniques pendant la guerre. Il témoigne de la réalité du front intérieur comme de celle du champ de bataille pour ainsi proposer une réinterprétation de cette victimisation si profondément ancrée dans le souvenir québécois. / The First World War inevitably brings back painful memories in the province of Quebec. Quebeckers have a negative recollection of the war, viewing themselves as victims. Events related to the Great War such as the conscription crisis, the Easter riots and the inhospitality expressed by the Canadian Forces towards French Canadians are emotionally-charged memories that have nurtured this conception. When writing about the war, Quebeckers depict themselves as the scapegoats of English Canadians and present this notion as a truth. Integrated in both the historiography and popular beliefs, the idea of the oppressed French Canadian has never been questioned. This thesis aims at re-examining this idea by surveying contemporary sources: the Anglophone press and testimonies from soldiers. Its objective is to reassess the attitude and perception of Canadian Anglophones towards French Canadians, and more broadly the nature of interethnic relationships in the army during World War I, both on the home front and on the battlefield. It presents a reinterpretation of the victimisation that is deeply ingrained in the remembrance Quebeckers have of the conflict.

Tant pour les contemporains que pour les observateurs des XXe et XXIe siècles, la Première Guerre mondiale représente un épisode de l'histoire de l'Humanité particulièrement difficile à se représenter, que plusieurs ont qualifié de « guerre totale ». Ce concept, souvent utilisé comme synonyme une guerre d'extrême intensité, est généralement compris sous l'angle matériel; on parle de la mobilisation totale des ressources humaines, financières et matérielles. J'explore plutôt, dans cette recherche, l'intention de chercher à détruire totalement un ennemi au risque d'être soi-même détruit dans le processus. Car, comment peut-on en venir à jongler avec l'autodestruction sans que la guerre n'acquiert un sens logique, parce que nécessaire à sa propre survie, voire même désirable pour créer un avenir meilleur? À cet effet, l'étude du cas canadien est particulièrement pertinente, car le dominion britannique, sans être objectivement menacé de destruction, a fourni un effort de guerre relativement comparable aux États européens occidentaux. Comprendre la « guerre totale » canadienne de 1914-1918 peut alors aider à comprendre celles d'autres pays et d'autres conflits. Je propose dans ce mémoire une analyse discursive basée sur l'image de guerre – dessins, caricatures et affiches – en deux temps. Tout d'abord, il se crée au niveau international un « vocabulaire » de la guerre totale partagé par les Alliés et constitué de mythes, images, et mots-clés qui permettent l'articulation d'un discours de guerre commun. Ensuite, le Canada intègre de manière différenciée ce discours pour des raisons politiques, ethnolinguistiques, culturelles, etc. La dynamique de création identitaire empruntée à l'international (« nous », les Alliés, contre « eux », les ennemis de la civilisation) se transpose au plan national, avec pour point d'orgue les élections de décembre 1917. En observant comment le Canada réagit au stress de la guerre totale des Alliés, il est possible d'observer d'une autre manière que ne le propose l'historiographie traditionnelle les luttes politiques et sociales du dominion en guerre. Je propose un portrait de la société canadienne où l'identité, les idées, le genre, et l'appartenance à la communauté canadienne ne dépendent pas de l'ethnicité, mais plutôt de l'adhésion ou non aux buts de guerre totale avancés par les Alliés. En bref, l'appartenance à une communauté internationale d'idées en guerre – les Alliés – sert, selon cette analyse, de moteur aux acteurs nationalistes canadiens. / Ranging from contemporaries to observers of the XX and XIX centuries, the First World War is a part of human history difficult to portray that many have described as a “total war”. This concept, which is often employed as a synonym for a war of extreme intensity, is generally perceived from a material angle. In other words, it involves an all-out mobilisation of human, financial, and material resources. As part of this research, I focus on the intention to completely destroy the enemy at the risk of destroying oneself in the process. After all, why would actors think it logical to risk self-destruction in the war? Above all, this struggle needs to be perceived as logical, which would make it necessary for their own survival; it could even be perceived as desirable because it presages a better future. For this reason, the study of the Canadian case is quite instructive because this British dominion, without objectively being threatened with destruction, has participated in a war effort in a way comparable to Western European states. Hence, understanding the concept of Canadian “total war” of 1914-1918 can enable us to better understand total war efforts of other countries and other conflicts. In this dissertation, I propose a twofold discursive analysis based on images of war—drawings, caricatures, and posters. In the first part, a new “vocabulary” of total war common to the Allies and comprised of myths, images and key words geared to the articulation of a common war language is created in the in the international arena. In the second part, Canada adopts this language, albeit in a differentiated form, for political, ethno-linguistic cultural, and many other reasons. The dynamic of identity creation is borrowed from abroad (“Us”, the Allies against “Them”, the enemies of civilisation) and is transposed to the national level, culminating during the elections of December 1917. By observing how Canada reacted to the resulting stress of the total war effort of the Allies, it is possible to develop an alternative observation of political and social struggles of the Dominion at war that runs counter to traditional historiographies. I propose a portrait of Canadian society where identity, ideas, gender, and a sense of belonging to the Canadian community do not depend on one’s ethnicity, but rather on whether or not one supports the objectives of the total war put forth by the Allies. In brief, the sense of belonging to an international community of ideas at war—the Allies—, according to this analysis, is the guiding principle for nationalist Canadian actors.

The central focus of this Master's thesis was to provide a concise overview of the academic work of the contemporary Spanish interpreter and interpreting historian, Jesús Baigorri Jalón. We carried out an in-depth analysis of his work, accompanied by the critical reception of his two key publications. In the introductory part of our thesis, we focused on the author's methodology and placement in Spanish and Czech academic contexts. Then, we elaborated a comprehensive, chronological overview of the author's two main monographs and outlined the main topics discussed in Baigorri's studies. We also focused on the author's contribution to the translation and interpreting studies, his research methodology and its potential to serve as an inspiration to Czech researchers.

Text in English with abstracts in English, Afrikaans and isiXhosa / British forces captured the Cape of Good Hope from the Batavian Government in 1806. The archaeological investigation into the Battle of Blaauwberg aims to identify the strategic use of the landscape by both sides focusing on specific geographic areas. Metal detector surveys and the mapping of archaeological material clarified the various battle positions within the reconstructed historical environment. Analysis of the artefacts provided insight into their use and the strategies followed by both armies. Altogether the evidence illuminated the use of the landscape and its influence on the course of the battle. This unique multi-pronged study of a South African battlefield and its material cultural record sheds new light on the 1806 battle, thereby complementing and refining prevailing historical interpretations. It explores methodological issues and approaches that are critical to the domain of battlefield archaeology in South Africa, where a large number of battle sites still await archaeological investigation. / Britse magte het die Kaap die Goeie Hoop in 1806 van die Bataafse Regering verower. Die argeologiese ondersoek na die Slag van Blaauwberg is gerig op die identifikasie van die strategiese gebruik van die landskap deur beide kante met die fokus op spesifieke geografiese areas. Metaalverklikkeropnames en die kartering van argeologiese materiaal het die onderskeie gevegsposisies in die gerekonstrueerde geskiedkundige omgewing opgeklaar. ’n Ontleding van die artefakte het insig gebied in hul gebruik en die strategieë wat beide gevegsmagte gevolg het. In die geheel gesien, belig die getuienis die gebruik van die landskap en hoe dit die verloop van die geveg beïnvloed het. Hierdie unieke meervlakkige studie van ’n Suid-Afrikaanse slagveld en sy materiële kultuurrekord werp nuwe lig op die 1806-veldslag en sodoende word bestaande historiese interpretasies aangevul en verfyn. Dit verken metodologiese kwessies en benaderings wat kritiek is vir die domein van slagveldargeologie in Suid-Afrika waar ’n groot aantal gevegsterreine nog argeologies ondersoek moet word. / Imikhosi yaseBhritane yayihlutha iKoloni Yethemba eyayibizwa ngokuba yiCape of Good Hope, iyihlutha kurhulumente waseBatavia ngonyaka we-1806. Uphando lwezixhobo zakudala zexesha ledabi iBattle of Blaauwberg lujolise ekuqwalaseleni ubuchule bokusetyenziswa kobume belizwe ngala macala mabini, lugxininisa kwiindawo ezithile. Isifundo sembali senza uqikelelo lobunjani bedabi, kwaqhutywa iintlolo zimvo ezisebenzisa izixhobo zesinyithi nokuphengululwa kwezixhobo ezifumaneke kwizakhiwo zakudala nezacacisa iindawo ezahlukeneyo zedabi. Izixhobo zokusebenza ezafunyaniswayo zatyhila ulwazi lwendlela ezazisetyenziswa ngayo namacebo obulumko awayesetyenziswa yimikhosi yamacala omabini. Ubungqina bacacisa ukusetyenziswa kobume belizwe nefuthe lobo bume ekuqhubekeni kwedabi. Le ndlela ikhethekileyo, nenobuchule obuziindidi ezahlukeneyo, yokufunda indawo yedabi laseMzantsi Afrika, nengxelo yezinto zenkcubeko, inika ulwazi olutsha ngeli dabi lowe-1806, kwaye yongeza ikwacolisisa indlela yokutolika imbali yeli dabi. Kuphandwa imibandela yeendlela zokwenza namacebo abaluleke kakhulu kwicandelo lophando lwezixhobo zakudala zamadabi eMzantsi Afrika, apho iziza zamadabi eziliqela zisalinde ukuba kuphandwe ngazo. / Anthropology and Archaeology / M.A. (Archaeology)

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