The Staffing for Adequate Fire and Emergency Responders (SAFER) Grant Program: An Analysis of Fiscal Federalism and How Local Governments Utilize SAFER Grant Funding. Thomas J. Layou ABSTRACT This dissertation presents a comprehensive analysis of the Staffing for Adequate Fire and Emergency Responders (SAFER) grant program's impact on Virginia's local governments, emphasizing their fiscal strategies, emergency management practices, and demographic relationships. By incorporating theories of fiscal federalism and the political economy, this study explores how SAFER grants, provided by the FEMA, influence local tax policies, economic stability, and the staffing levels in fire and emergency medical service departments, against the backdrop of a critical need for enhanced public safety post the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The second chapter provides a review of the literature tracing the evolution of fiscal federalism from its roots in the political philosophies of the Federalist Papers to its contemporary interpretations and applications. The study found gaps in the literature, providing opportunities for further exploration of how the current scholarship has been built upon the different generations of fiscal federalism. This study seeks to contribute to the literature by examining the relationship that federal grants have with local governments' preparation for emergencies through their local fire and emergency medical service staffing. The dissertation constructs a novel dataset covering SAFER grant allocations, local tax rates, and fire and emergency medical service budgets across Virginia's cities and counties from 2016 to 2022. It evaluates the grants' effects on budgetary decisions and staffing levels, utilizing a methodological framework that includes regression analysis, correlation coefficients, and event series analysis. The third chapter focuses on the socio-political and economic determinants affecting the distribution of the SAFER grant funding, revealing that jurisdictions with higher median household incomes receive more funding, contrary to expectations that economically disadvantaged areas are prioritized. This chapter also highlights the disparities in resource allocation and examines the equitable distribution between volunteer and professional fire departments and the relationship of political leanings on fund allocation. The fourth chapter explores the SAFER grants within the principal-agent framework, investigating their impact on local government tax policy and economic stability. It explores whether SAFER grants lead to changes in local tax policies and how they contribute to fiscal stability, especially during crises such as the 2007-2008 financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. The fifth chapter assesses the SAFER grants' effectiveness in increasing the number of full-time equivalent (FTE) employees and improving public safety. It scrutinizes whether these grants supplement or supplant local budgets and their broader implications for budget allocations and incident reduction, which tie closely with the federal government's national preparedness goals. This dissertation advances emergency management scholarship by offering new insights into the allocation of SAFER grants in Virginia and its impact. It provides a multifaceted understanding of how federal funding influences local emergency services, fiscal policies, and community welfare, contributing valuable knowledge for policymakers, grant administrators, and scholars interested in enhancing public safety and preparedness. / Doctor of Philosophy / The Staffing for Adequate Fire and Emergency Responders (SAFER) Grant Program: An Analysis of Fiscal Federalism and How Local Governments Utilize SAFER Grant Funding. Thomas J. Layou GENERAL AUDIENCE ABSTRACT This dissertation investigates how federal money, specifically the SAFER grants aimed at improving fire and emergency services, impacts local communities in Virginia. The SAFER grants are designed to provide a financial boost to a community's fire department in hiring more firefighters. This study goes beyond hiring to determine who receives the grant money and why. It examines if richer areas are more likely to receive funds than poorer ones. The study also considers whether a community's size or the number of emergencies they handle influences the amount of funding they receive. By analyzing the data from Virginia, this study sheds light on the process behind these grants. It finds that wealthier areas often receive more funding, supporting prior research and challenging the idea that such grants primarily benefit economically disadvantaged regions. Additionally, the study examines whether there exists a fair balance in funding between volunteer-based and professional fire departments and how politics may play a role in who receives more or less funding. Furthermore, this dissertation explores the ripple effects of the SAFER grants. It assesses whether these grants encourage local governments to adjust their spending and tax policies. The findings suggest that receiving a SAFER grant does not necessarily lead local governments to increase taxes or decreases spending in other areas. Instead, these governments appear to use these funds strategically to enhance public safety without overburdening local taxpayers. Ultimately, this dissertation not only provides valuable insights into the allocation and impact of the SAFER grants but also raises important questions about equity, fairness, efficiency, and the role of government at all levels in ensuring public safety.

South Africa adopted the democratic decentralisation governance model in 1994 with the aim of improving, inter alia, service delivery. The adoption of this model resulted in the establishment of three spheres of government, namely, national, provincial and local. These three government spheres are distinctive, interdependent, interrelated and autonomous. Power and responsibilities are devolved from the national to the provincial and then to the local government spheres. Cooperative government and intergovernmental relations structures in the three spheres of government were established in order to improve service delivery and to assist in the execution of the devolved powers. However, the results of this study revealed that the structures which had been established were not effective in addressing the housing challenges facing the Bushbuckridge Local Municipality (BLM). The results also revealed that each government sphere executed its housing mandatory responsibilities only when a housing project was launched or implemented in the BLM. During housing project implementation, the BLM was responsible for evaluation, the Mpumalanga Provincial Department of Human Settlements (MPDHS) was responsible for contracting a housing service provider and for payments while the National Department of Human Settlements (NDHS) was responsible for quality of the houses and compliance to national housing standards. In addition, the BLM had an inspection unit and the NDHS was supposed to work closely with the National Home Builders Registration Council (NHBRC). However, the houses provided had defects ranging from cracked walls and floors, leaking roofs, leaking pipes to fading paint. The main role of the NHBRC is to check the quality or adequacy of public houses before they are allocated to the targeted beneficiaries. / Public Administration / D. Admin. (Public Administration)

The interim Constitution and the 1996 South African Constitution are products of a compromise between various political parties, mainly those that advocated for a unitary system, for example the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) were the leading proponents , anti the parties that advocated for a federal constitution, the significant ones being the Inkatha Freedom Party (lFP), the National Party (NP) and the Democratic Party (DP). The interim Constitution and the 1996 South African Constitution contain both unitary and substantial federal characteristics. The study deals with the origins of the federal idea and how the concept federalism is understood and applied internationally, and draws out some key characteristics that are common in federal constitutions so as to measure the interim Constitution and the 1996 South African Constitution against such common characteristics. The conclusion deals with recommendations of how the substantial federal characteristics could be effectively managed through intergovernmental relations / Political Science / M.A. (African Politics)

L’itinérance est un domaine à la fois passionnant et exigeant de la politique publique. C’est un domaine nouveau, très complexe, mal défini et mal compris. Du milieu des années 1990 au milieu des années 2000, l’itinérance chronique a augmenté au Canada, et jusqu’ici, tant le gouvernement fédéral que les provinces n’ont pas réussi à la contrer sérieusement. En l’absence d’initiatives de la part du fédéral et des provinces, les groupes locaux de partout au pays se sont unis pour lutter contre ce qui était de plus en plus appelé la crise de l’itinérance. L’ampleur de l’itinérance chronique est très similaire dans les grandes villes du Canada. Confrontés au même problème, les décideurs locaux des quatre plus grandes et plus importantes villes du Canada – Vancouver, Calgary, Toronto et Montréal – se sont unis pour constituer différents modèles de gouvernance de l’itinérance. En d’autres termes, il existe différents pourvoyeurs de protection sociale pour les itinérants chroniques, soit l’autre 1 %, dans chacune de ces villes. Les modèles de gouvernance locale présentent deux différences principales : le rôle du gouvernement local, et la centralisation ou la fragmentation du modèle. À Vancouver et à Toronto, le gouvernement local est très impliqué dans la gestion de l’itinérance et y a fait d’importants investissements politiques et financiers. Tandis qu’à Montréal et à Calgary, le gouvernement local joue un rôle bien moins important. Ensuite, la gouvernance de l’itinérance est centralisée dans un seul organisme ou une seule agence à Calgary et à Toronto, alors qu’elle est divisée en plusieurs intervenants à Vancouver et à Montréal. Je me penche sur ce qui pourrait expliquer cette grande différence entre les modèles de gouvernance de l’itinérance, et j’analyse les conséquences théoriques et pratiques que cela peut avoir sur la protection sociale au Canada. Je conclus que le rôle du gouvernement local dans la coalition gouvernante est déterminé par les pouvoirs des villes en matière de logement et par l’engagement des politiciens locaux pour lutter contre l’itinérance. À Vancouver et à Toronto, il y a soit des pouvoirs importants en matière de logement, soit un engagement politique solide à l’égard de l’itinérance, soit les deux. À Montréal et à Calgary, il y a comparativement moins de pouvoirs formels en matière de logement, et l’engagement politique à l’égard du problème est relativement faible. Dans chaque ville, c’est l’organisation des forces sociales locales qui détermine la fragmentation ou la centralisation de la coalition gouvernante. À Vancouver et à Montréal, les forces locales et sociales sont fortes et organisées, mais elles sont divisées, ce qui fait que la gouvernance de l’itinérance est fragmentée. À Calgary, les forces sociales locales sont dominées par le secteur privé, alors qu’à Toronto, les forces sociales locales sont mal organisées et la Ville est un intervenant fort, et en quelque sorte dominant. Cela explique la centralisation de la gouvernance de l’itinérance dans ces deux villes. Malgré leur engagement et leur créativité, aucun des modèles de gouvernance locale n’a réussi à réduire fortement l’itinérance. Aucun ordre de gouvernement seul ne peut résoudre le problème de l’itinérance, et l’absence du gouvernement fédéral des discussions concernant les politiques en matière de logement et d’itinérance était suffisante pour limiter le succès des initiatives menées à l’échelle locale. Ces deux conclusions à la fois confirment et remettent en question les théories existantes de l’État-providence. D’une part, cela confirme l’argument que l’évolution de l’État providence est le reflet l’évolution du fédéralisme, et qu’il y a de plus en plus un nouveau concept du capital social et humain en politique sociale. D’autre part, toutefois, il met au défi ces écrits, en soulignant le rôle que joue le niveau local dans la production de la protection sociale. Les études sur l’itinérance et l’État providence devraient accorder une attention particulière non seulement aux paliers de gouvernement fédéral et provincial, mais également au niveau local aussi. / Homelessness is a challenging and fascinating area of public policy; it is new, very complex, poorly defined and poorly understood. From the mid-1990s to mid-2000s, chronic homelessness was growing throughout Canada, yet federal and provincial governments failed to respond to it in any meaningful way. In the absence of federal or provincial leadership, local groups across the country have come together to fight against what was increasingly called a crisis of homelessness. The scale of chronic homelessness is very similar in big cities across Canada, yet facing the same problem, local actors in Canada’s four biggest and most important cities – Vancouver, Calgary, Toronto and Montreal – came together to form different models of governance of homelessness. In other words, there are very different producers of social protection for the chronically homeless, the other 1%, in each of these cities. There are two main differences in the local governance models: the role of the local government and the centralization or fragmentation of the model. In Vancouver and Toronto, the local government is highly involved in governing homelessness and has made significant political and financial investments, whereas in Montreal and Calgary the local government plays a much smaller role. Further, the governance of homelessness is centralized in one single body or agency in Calgary and Toronto, whereas it is divided among a number of actors in Vancouver and Montreal. I ask what explains these very different models of governance of homelessness, and I consider the theoretical and practical consequences this has for social protection in Canada. I conclude that the role of the local government in the governing coalition is determined by its housing related powers and the local political commitment to homelessness. In Vancouver and Toronto, there are either significant local housing related powers, a strong political commitment to homelessness, or both. In Montreal and Calgary, there are comparatively few housing related powers and the political commitment to the issue is relatively weak. The fragmentation or centralization of the governing coalition is determined by the organization of local social forces in each city. In Vancouver and Montreal local social forces are strong and organized, but divided, making the governance of homelessness fragmented. In Calgary, local social forces are dominated by the private sector whereas in Toronto, local social forces are poorly organized and the city is a strong and somewhat domineering actor. This explains the centralization of the governance of homelessness in these two cities. Despite their commitment and creativity, none of the local governance models has been successful at significantly reducing homelessness. No one level of government alone can solve homelessness, and the absence of the federal government from policy discussions regarding housing and homelessness has been enough to limit the local level successes. These conclusions both confirm and challenge existing theories of welfare state. On the one hand, it confirms the argument that the evolution of the welfare state has mirrored the evolution of federalism, and that there is increasingly a new human or social capital paradigm of social policy. It challenges this literature, however, by highlighting the role that is played by the local level in the production of social protection. Studies of homelessness and the welfare state should pay careful attention not just to federal and provincial governments, but to the local level as well.

No description available.

This dissertation examines Native-newcomer relations during the integrationist era in Canadian Indian affairs: the two and a half decades after World War Two during which the federal government introduced policies designed to integrate Indians into mainstream Canadian social, political, economic, and administrative life. Particular focus is given to developments in British Columbia, where some of the most concerted steps towards integration took place. Growing public and political demands for institutional desegregation and the granting of rights of citizenry to Aboriginal people recast Indian affairs into a matter of unprecedented intergovernmental importance.<p> Shifting between micro- and macro-historical perspectives, the following chapters consist of a series of comparative policy case studies. Individually, they examine the development, implementation, and effects of the four main areas of federal Indian integrationist planning after WWII: health, education, economic development, and welfare. Collectively, chapters demonstrate how integration was a mission essentially administrative in orientation: every policy undertaken in this period, whether directly or indirectly, sought to implicate the province and other federal line departments in Indian affairs. Not all attempts at administrative integration, however, were successful. While BC and the federal government reached joint agreements in the fields of education and health, other areas such as Indian economic development and welfare proved to be a source of significant intergovernmental conflict and impasse.<p> Aboriginal people were important participants when it came to integrated health, education, and social welfare. Incorporating ethnohistorical insights and Aboriginal perspectives throughout, this dissertation documents how Aboriginal agency in this periodexpressed in a range of innovative actions and wordsincluded important combinatory aspects of compliance, resistance, and accommodation. Many individuals, for instance, demanded access to provincial services as within their rights as Aboriginal people and provincial voting and taxpaying citizens. While post-war integrationist policies varied widely in terms of their local perception and impact, Indian assimilation remained an elusive goal throughout this period. Advances in provincial devolution of Indian administration rarely resulted in the type of social and economic integration envisioned by federal officials.<p> This study looks beyond unitary conceptions of the state towards questions of power and local agency. It engages Foucauldian and Weberian theories to show how a combination of intergovernmental politics, intrastate variables, and Aboriginal agency refashioned Native-newcomer relations in this period. Post-WWII administrative contexts served as theatres for the contestation of old, and formulation of new, power relationships. Developments in this era were to have a significant influence on Native-newcomer relations moving into the modern era.

This dissertation examines Native-newcomer relations during the integrationist era in Canadian Indian affairs: the two and a half decades after World War Two during which the federal government introduced policies designed to integrate Indians into mainstream Canadian social, political, economic, and administrative life. Particular focus is given to developments in British Columbia, where some of the most concerted steps towards integration took place. Growing public and political demands for institutional desegregation and the granting of rights of citizenry to Aboriginal people recast Indian affairs into a matter of unprecedented intergovernmental importance.<p> Shifting between micro- and macro-historical perspectives, the following chapters consist of a series of comparative policy case studies. Individually, they examine the development, implementation, and effects of the four main areas of federal Indian integrationist planning after WWII: health, education, economic development, and welfare. Collectively, chapters demonstrate how integration was a mission essentially administrative in orientation: every policy undertaken in this period, whether directly or indirectly, sought to implicate the province and other federal line departments in Indian affairs. Not all attempts at administrative integration, however, were successful. While BC and the federal government reached joint agreements in the fields of education and health, other areas such as Indian economic development and welfare proved to be a source of significant intergovernmental conflict and impasse.<p> Aboriginal people were important participants when it came to integrated health, education, and social welfare. Incorporating ethnohistorical insights and Aboriginal perspectives throughout, this dissertation documents how Aboriginal agency in this periodexpressed in a range of innovative actions and wordsincluded important combinatory aspects of compliance, resistance, and accommodation. Many individuals, for instance, demanded access to provincial services as within their rights as Aboriginal people and provincial voting and taxpaying citizens. While post-war integrationist policies varied widely in terms of their local perception and impact, Indian assimilation remained an elusive goal throughout this period. Advances in provincial devolution of Indian administration rarely resulted in the type of social and economic integration envisioned by federal officials.<p> This study looks beyond unitary conceptions of the state towards questions of power and local agency. It engages Foucauldian and Weberian theories to show how a combination of intergovernmental politics, intrastate variables, and Aboriginal agency refashioned Native-newcomer relations in this period. Post-WWII administrative contexts served as theatres for the contestation of old, and formulation of new, power relationships. Developments in this era were to have a significant influence on Native-newcomer relations moving into the modern era.

我國地方自治從民國三十四年台灣光復後，政府致力推動基層建設，著手辦理各種地方公職選舉，以落實地方自治。惟省縣自治通則因大陸失守，遲未通過，其下位階之省縣自治法亦無法頒佈，故歷年來，地方自治行使之主要法源多賴於各種行政稅率。此一現象所衍生出之問題為法治位階存疑、地方自主意志無法充分表現、命令授與之方式不受議會監督，無法反應真正民意。民國七十七年解嚴後，此諸般現象益受重視，故民國八十一年，配合戡亂終止、增修憲法第十七條，賦與地方自治明確之法源歸屬，使我地方自治邁入新紀元。 雖係如此，但現存之諸多問題仍待解決，目前我政府係屬四級，其各級政府間之互動關係，本文將採行政監督之角度控討之，因行政係政府運作中之主要權力來源，扮演事前積極主導之角色，在二十世紀之福利國家，尤為重要，但亦因其積極性，在發揮效率的同時，極易形成濫權，而有違政府為民服務之職責，故其監督系統之探討，尤為重要。 然探討監督之同時，尚須並重地方政府之自主性，因我為單一國，而非常時期行之已久，是以相較一般國家，難免權限較為集於中央，故在探討各級政府間行政監督體系之同時，如何提昇地方自主，尤為重要課題。亦即在效率與民主之兩難中，力求其平衡點。至行政監督所濊及之層面，本文擬從組織、人事、財政及政策以探討之。在章節安排上，擬分八章以論述之。 第一章緒論，著重研究動機、地方政府類型化及本文分析架構、研究方法、研究設計殳研究限制。第二章介紹各主要國家地方政府之組織架構，以觀我組織調整及員額編制、區劃之調整。第三、四章探討人事監督，分從考選分發、任免遷調、公務倫理、考核獎懲、人力發展、待遇福利、退撫資遺等以論之。第五章為財政監督，首言財政管理程序之監督，次為稅課及稅外收入，再為公共支出、公有財產及其他之監督。第六章為政策監督，主要探討我各級政府間權限之劃分及地方政府之政策系絡，再經由政策規劃、列管以觀其監督情形。第七章係研究假設之檢證，就本文所提出之各項假設，經由問卷分析以為比對。第八章結論，針對以上各章之研究發現，提出具體建議。試圖對轉型期中之我國地方體制所待解決之問題或即將面臨之諸之因難，有所頁獻，以盡學術上綿薄之力。

Submitted by Cristina Sydow (cris.sydow@gmail.com) on 2012-04-20T21:30:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Cristina T Sydow_Final_revisado.docx: 3696270 bytes, checksum: 64ce0f555331df37b8dc095a06bfc984 (MD5) / Rejected by Gisele Isaura Hannickel (gisele.hannickel@fgv.br), reason: Prezada Cristina, Favor postar o arquivo em pdf. Att, Secretaria de Registro on 2012-04-23T13:06:28Z (GMT) / Submitted by Cristina Sydow (cris.sydow@gmail.com) on 2012-06-04T22:16:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Cristina T Sydow_Final_revisadox.pdf: 3129536 bytes, checksum: 6898614d7b279856c8f621772646906e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Gisele Isaura Hannickel (gisele.hannickel@fgv.br) on 2012-06-05T13:09:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Cristina T Sydow_Final_revisadox.pdf: 3129536 bytes, checksum: 6898614d7b279856c8f621772646906e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-06-05T13:49:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Cristina T Sydow_Final_revisadox.pdf: 3129536 bytes, checksum: 6898614d7b279856c8f621772646906e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-16 / One of the big issues of the Brazilian Federalism is the role of the states in the field of public policies. If, on the one hand, this role in welfare-State systems is still facing a lack of definitions and the literature on aspects such as participation in the design and execution of policies in the fields of health, education, social assistance and housing is quite restricted, the current scene seems to be, on the other, quite different in regard to the policies of economic development, as the states count with a significant advantage vis-à-vis the municipalities and the federal government. This thesis is an attempt to show that the role of the states has expanded and has become more specialized in the functions connected to infrastructure and regional development. Through the works of analysis and planning, and with their capacity of linking through several actors of their development agencies and secretariats of economic development, the states can display a privileged view of their particularities and similarities in the productive and logistical activities, and of their specific needs. States are also taking up a variety of actions in the design, execution and implementation of policies that involve linkages with the other members of the Federation, with the private sector and the civil society, and they are furthering new socio-institutional architectures in the creation, development and maintenance of support instruments. Such institutional environment enables the study of the mechanisms of territorial associationism, and, particularly, the Local Productive Arrangements, which have been increasingly used as instruments of regional development by the states, with the support of the federal government. The Local Productive Arrangements have an associationist and voluntary nature, and they are instruments that can be employed and improved by the states, as the territorial basis on which they find themselves have a pre-existing productive vocation, and as the interventions towards stimulating, building capacities and professional training are among the possibilities of action by the states. From this premise, the present work analyzes the role that has been played by the states in the design, execution and articulation of policies for Local Productive Arrangements. Based on the assumption that the states do count with a better institutional structure than the municipalities and the federal government for specific policies that favor the Local Productive Arrangements, it seeks to understand how the three analyzed states – Pernambuco, Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul – have dealt with the issue. / Uma das grandes questões do federalismo brasileiro é o papel dos estados no campo das políticas públicas. Se por um lado o papel dos estados nas políticas públicas para sistemas de welfare state ainda passa por indefinições e a literatura que discute seu papel na participação da formulação e execução de políticas nas áreas de saúde, educação, assistência social e habitação é bastante restrita, o cenário aparenta ser bastante distinto no que tange às políticas de desenvolvimento econômico, por possuir significativa vantagem frente aos municípios e governo federal. A presente tese busca mostrar que o papel dos estados têm ampliado e se especializado mais em funções relativas à infraestrutura e ao desenvolvimento regional. Por meio do trabalho de análise, planejamento e capacidade de articulação com vários atores das agências de desenvolvimento estaduais e secretarias de desenvolvimento econômico, os estados podem visualizar de forma privilegiada suas particularidades e semelhanças nas atividades produtivas, de logística e de necessidades específicas, e assumem uma gama de ações de formulação, execução e implementação de políticas que envolvem articulação com os demais entes da federação, setor privado e sociedade civil e novas arquiteturas socioinstitucionais para a criação, desenvolvimento e manutenção de instrumentos de apoio. Neste ambiente institucional advém o estudo de mecanismos de associativismo territorial, notadamente os Arranjos Produtivos Locais, crescentemente utilizados como instrumentos de desenvolvimento regional pelos estados, com o apoio do governo federal. De natureza associativista e voluntária, os Arranjos Produtivos Locais são instrumentos que podem ser aproveitados e incrementados pelos estados, uma vez que a territorialidade na qual estão inseridos possuem vocação produtiva pré-existente, e intervenções em direção ao incentivo, capacitação e profissionalização são algumas das possibilidades de ação dos estados. A partir de tal premissa que o presente trabalho busca analisar o papel que os estados têm assumido na formulação, execução e articulação de políticas públicas para Arranjos Produtivos Locais. Ao assumir que os estados são melhor dotados de estrutura institucional do que os municípios e o governo federal para políticas específicas para Arranjos Produtivos Locais, busca-se compreender como três estados selecionados Pernambuco, Minas Gerais e Rio Grande do Sul têm tratado o tema.

Submitted by Manuella Ribeiro (maiamanuella@gmail.com) on 2017-04-17T15:48:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE - Versão final Manuella Maia Ribeiro V8.pdf: 2841423 bytes, checksum: 73f6d97d237d2acef3a2525b70e47d6a (MD5) / Rejected by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Boa tarde Manuella, Para que possamos dar andamento ao seu processo é necessário algumas correções. *Na segunda folha não deve ter o nome da FUNDAÇÃO GETULIO VARGAS - ESCOLA DE ADMINISTRAÇÃO DE EMPRESAS DE SÃO PAULO. *Na folha de aprovação ( composição da banca ), não esta configurado de forma correta. Seu nome esta maior do que é pedido em norma. Não tem SÃO PAULO 2017 As palavras RESUMO, ABSTRACT E PALAVRAS CHAVES, estão maiores do que o pedido em norma. Após os ajustes por gentileza postar novamente. Qualquer duvida estamos a disposição. att. Pâmela Tonsa on 2017-04-17T19:53:21Z (GMT) / Submitted by Manuella Ribeiro (maiamanuella@gmail.com) on 2017-04-17T21:09:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE - Versão final Manuella Maia Ribeiro V8B.pdf: 2841950 bytes, checksum: 67dad443f22511f57efc91cc779b4119 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2017-04-18T13:06:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE - Versão final Manuella Maia Ribeiro V8B.pdf: 2841950 bytes, checksum: 67dad443f22511f57efc91cc779b4119 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-18T13:09:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE - Versão final Manuella Maia Ribeiro V8B.pdf: 2841950 bytes, checksum: 67dad443f22511f57efc91cc779b4119 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-07 / Esta tese tem como objetivo identificar e explicar as adaptações realizadas pelos gestores públicos municipais no uso de sistemas de informação em políticas sociais do governo federal. Uma das características das políticas sociais do governo federal é a adoção de sistemas de informação que auxiliam na gestão de diversas etapas dessas políticas tais como o diagnóstico, o monitoramento e a avaliação. Muitas vezes esses sistemas são compartilhados com outros níveis de governo, especialmente os governos municipais. Para compreender as adaptações locais, o foco dessa pesquisa concentrou-se no usuário desses sistemas de informação no âmbito das prefeituras. O pressuposto adotado foi que os usuários desses sistemas na esfera local podem modificar o contexto de uso da tecnologia e não somente a tecnologia ou o sistema de informação em si com o propósito de atender ao que foi definido pela instância federal, ou seja, os usuários locais realizam adaptações de acordo com as especificidades locais de forma a manter o sistema em funcionamento. Além disso, as adaptações podem ser diversas de acordo com o contexto local em que os sistemas de informação estão inseridos. Portanto, para compreender como ocorrem as adaptações locais na implementação de sistemas de informação em políticas sociais do governo federal, foi realizado um estudo de caso sobre o Cadastro Único dos Programas Sociais do Governo Federal (Cadastro Único), sistema de informação construído para reunir dados sobre a população de baixa renda no no Brasil. Esta base de dados da população de baixa renda é utilizada na implementação de políticas sociais do governo federal. Os registros realizados nesse sistema estão sob responsabilidade das 5.570 prefeituras brasileiras, incluindo a inclusão, alteração ou exclusão das informações dos cadastrados. A coleta de dados da pesquisa foi baseada em: a) análise documental de legislação, manuais, documentos oficiais, entre outros materiais escritos sobre o sistema de informação; b) pesquisa online com gestores municipais do Cadastro Único; e, c) entrevistas semiestruturadas com gestores públicos federais e municipais ligados ao Cadastro Único. A análise dos dados foi baseada na comparação entre as normas definidas pelo governo federal e a implementação efetiva do sistema de cadastro pelos usuários nos municípios, permitindo identificar e categorizar as adaptações locais. As conclusões da pesquisa apontaram que os sistemas de informação em políticas sociais descentralizadas no Brasil, geralmente, caracterizam-se pela centralização, ou seja, o governo federal define seus objetivos, normas e formas de implementação e os municípios apenas o executam conforme as regras definidas pela instância nacional. Entretanto, a análise dos resultados também apontou que essa centralização não impede os municípios de realizarem adaptações no uso desses sistemas tanto para atender aos objetivos do governo federal quanto para utilizarem os dados em suas políticas locais. As adaptações também foram categorizadas, permitindo a definição de quatro perfis de usuários e adaptações locais no uso de sistemas de informação em políticas sociais do governo federal: I) Pouco Adaptativo; II) Controle Adaptativo; III) Uso Adaptativo; e, IV) Totalmente Adaptativo. Essa possibilidade do usuário na ponta modificar a implementação de sistemas de informação em políticas sociais descentralizadas gerou um conceito que foi denominado por esta tese como burocrata de nível adaptativo. Esse conceito ressalta a inevitabilidade das adaptações dos sistemas de informação no âmbito local. / The aim is to identify and explain the adaptations made by local public managers in the use of information systems in social policies of the national level. One of the characteristics of the national level's social policies is the adoption of information systems that assist in the management of various stages of social policies, such as diagnosis, monitoring and evaluation. Sometimes these systems are shared with other levels of government, especially local governments. In order to understand the local adaptations, the focus of this research was the information systems users within local governments. The assumption adopted was that the users of these systems in the local level can modify the context of use of technology and not only the technology or the information system itself in order to meet what was defined by the national instance, i. e., users create adaptations according to local specificities in order to keep the system running. Furthermore, the adaptations can be diverse according to the local context in which the information systems are used. Therefore, in order to understand how local adaptations occur in the implementation of information systems in national level social policies, a case study was carried out about the Single Registry of Social Programs of the Brazilian Federal Government (Cadastro Único), an information system built to collect data of low-income population in Brazil. This low-income population database is used for national social policy implementation. The registrations made in this system are under the responsibility of the 5,570 Brazilian local governments, including the inclusion, alteration or exclusion of registered people. The research data collection was based on: a) document analysis of legislation, manuals, official documents, among others; b) online research with local level managers of Cadastro Único; and, c) semi-structured interviews with national and local level public managers related to the Cadastro Único. Data analysis was based on the comparison between the norms defined by the national level and the effective implementation of the system by the users in the local governments, allowing to identify and to categorize the local adaptations. The research analysis pointed out that the information systems in decentralized social policies in Brazil are generally characterized by centralization. The national level defines its objectives, norms and forms of implementation and the local governments only execute information systems actions according to the rules defined by the national authority. However, the analysis also showed that this centralization does not prevent local governments to make adaptations in the use of these systems both to meet the objectives of the national government and to use the data in their local policies. The adaptations were also categorized according to four user profiles and local adaptations in the use of information systems in national level social policies: I) Little Adaptive; II) Adaptive Control; III) Adaptive Use; and, IV) Fully Adaptive. This ability of the local user to modify the implementation of information systems in decentralized social policies generated a concept named here as adaptive level bureaucrat. This concept highlights the inevitability of adaptations of information systems at the local level.