The aim of this thesis was to analyze the role of the European Union in maintaining international peace and security. The 1990s proved to be a decade of uncertainty and ambiguity in which both the UN, NATO, the WEU and the EU struggled to re-define themselves in relation to the radically altered security environment of the post-Cold War era. After the collapse of bipolar world, there are favorable conditions for more effective work of the United Nations Security Council as well as for greater role of international organizations to share responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. The lack of military instruments to support the policy aims of the Union contributed to pressure for the development of an EU defence dimension. The experience with crisis in Kosovo has led to significant developments since the late 1990s. The EU has acquired unprecedented military capability, a security strategy to inform its use and since 2003 it has engaged in several deployments of forces under the European Security and Defence Policy. Nowadays, the Lisbon treaty seems to be another milestone in the process of framing the EU as a military actor. The thesis is composed of four chapters, each of them dealing with different aspects of issue relating to international peace and security. Chapter one is...

Les IEI semblent être un terrain peu propice à la prise en compte des voix de la société civile internationale. En effet, bien que des organisations non gouvernementales bien établies jouent un rôle actif sur la scène internationale, elles ne semblent pas fondées à trouver une place dans une institution purement interétatique. Les Etats restent les principaux sujets du droit international et sont les seuls à disposer, à ce titre, de la légitimité nécessaire pour bénéficier d'une représentation dans ces enceintes.Or, les Etats ne sont pas toujours réceptifs aux intérêts de leurs opérateurs privés lorsque ceux-ci sont affectés par les règles commerciales internationales, et encore moins aux requêtes des organisations non gouvernementales établies sur leur territoire. La notion d'écran étatique crée donc irrémédiablement des failles dès lors que l'Etat a la capacité discrétionnaire de considérer que tel intérêt mérite davantage d'attention et de protection au niveau international, qu'un autre. S'il considère que la protection d'une certaine frange de l'industrie pèse moins dans la balance que le maintien d'un flux commercial donné, ce dernier objectif sera le seul à être mis en lumière dans les enceintes internationales.Malgré cela, il ne faut pas occulter le fait que le droit international, bien qu'il ait pour sujets principaux les Etats, a également des répercussions concrètes sur les individus ou les groupes d'individus. Cette affirmation est encore plus vraie pour le droit international économique : en établissant des règles touchant par exemple au traitement national ou des normes relatives aux investissements internationaux, il affecte directement les intérêts d'entités privées exerçant leurs activités dans le domaine industriel et commercial ou les droits économiques, sociaux et/ou culturels de certaines populations. Dès lors que les décisions de ces organisations peuvent avoir des effets néfastes sur des intérêt particuliers ou collectifs, il semble légitime pour les représentants de ces intérêts de les faire valoir dans les enceintes internationales, de demander des comptes aux IEI et de se prévaloir ainsi d'un statut de parties prenantes ; en somme de mettre en œuvre les conditions d'une bonne gouvernance par le biais de standards et de mécanismes d'accountability. / Abstract : no translation available

O estudo proposto nesta dissertação teve como objetivos a análise de um fenômeno da sociedade internacional, a assunção de competências normativas pelas organizações internacionais, e o impacto desses sujeitos na teoria das fontes do Direito Internacional, seja em âmbito internacional, como em âmbito nacional brasileiro. Conclui-se que as organizações internacionais apresentam importantes impactos sobre as bases do Direito Internacional e um dos mais relevantes é a elaboração de manifestações dotadas de efeitos normativos, cuja variedade implica diferentes fundamentações jurídicas. / The study proposed in this dissertation aimed to analyze a phenomenon of international society, the assumption of legislative powers by international organizations, and the impact of these subjects on the theory of the sources of international law, either internationally, either nationally in Brazil. We conclude that international organizations have important impacts on the basis of international law and one of the most important is the development of manifestations endowed with normative purposes, which range implies different legal reasoning.

Inicialmente, esta dissertação apresenta o marco teórico conceitual em que se situa a sociedade internacional contemporânea, as fontes tradicionais do direito internacional expostas no art. 38 do Estatuto da Corte Internacional de Justiça, as possíveis novas fontes do direito internacional atos unilaterais de Estados, atos de organizações internacionais e Soft Law. É abordado em seguida o paradigma da soberania decorrente da modificação da sociedade internacional. Os fundamentos da Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P) são levados a uma análise sob as diversas fontes do direito internacional. A R2P não se verifica como fonte autônoma do direito internacional nos princípios gerais de direitos, nas convenções internacionais e nos meios auxiliares da doutrina e da jurisprudência. Todavia, seu enquadramento é feito em duas teorias: branda e dinâmica. Em razão de seu caráter de formação de opinio juris e da prática reiterada, a teoria branda considera a R2P uma manifestação do costume internacional. Enquanto isso, a teoria dinâmica leva em consideração a evolução do direito internacional contemporâneo, que considera a Soft Law uma fonte autônoma, bem como as manifestações da R2P. Conclui-se, então, que a teoria da R2P está sedimentada nas fontes do direito internacional contemporâneo e clássico. / Firstly this thesis presents the conceptual framework in which lies the contemporary international society, the traditional sources of International Law - exposed in art. 38 of the Statute of the International Court of Justice, the possible new sources of International Law - unilateral acts of States, international organizations and acts of Soft Law. Then, it brings forward the paradigm of sovereignty resulting from the modification of the international society. The foundations of the Responsibility to Protect are subject to an analysis emphasizing the variety of International Law sources. The R2P is not embraced as an autonomous source of International Law in the general principles, international conventions, doctrine and jurisprudence. However, its framing is analyzed in this thesis with two theories: \"mild\" and \"dynamic\". Considering the formation of opinio juris and the repeated practice, the mild theory considers R2P as a manifestation of international custom. Meanwhile, the dynamic theory takes into account the evolution of contemporary International Law, which considers Soft Law as an autonomous source, as well as the manifestations of R2P. So the conclusion is that the theory of R2P is based in the sources of contemporary and classic International Law.

Depuis 1990, l’Afrique de l’ouest connait une phase complexe dans sa sécurisation et dans la lutte contre les conflits armés. Constamment déstabilisés par des tentatives de coups d’Etat militaires, les pays de l’Afrique de l’ouest, notamment la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Léone ont bénéficié d’une aide de la communauté internationale pour le règlement des sources de conflit et le redressement de leurs institutions dans le cadre d’une démocratisation globale des pays africains. Malgré cette ingérence dans les affaires internes des Etats, les stratégies adoptées par organisations internationales pour sortir la sous-région ouest africaine de l’instabilité et l’insécurité continuent de poser problèmes. Les Etats restent encore fragiles. Dans l’aide apportée, les différentes agences spécialisées des Nations unies construisent plutôt un ensemble de réseaux avec les organisations non gouvernementales internationales (ONGI) pour la gestion des conséquences des conflits armés. Ces ONGI, tout en participant à la stratégie globale de sortie de crise renforcent leur position au niveau national tout en s’ouvrant à de nouvelles missions d’assistance. Malgré les différentes dispositions prises par la CEDEAO, l’Organisation de l’Unité africaine et de l’Union africaine pour prévenir les conflits et trouver des mécanismes pour leurs gestions et leur règlement, les pays étudiés ne parviennent pas à consolider durablement la paix. Les Etats membres profitent du chaos généré, luttant plus pour leurs propres intérêts que ceux de la sécurité et le retour à la paix. Face à ce manque de cohérence dans les actions et aux limites des stratégies adoptées jusque-là, la résolution des conflits armés en Afrique de l’ouest continue de suscité interrogations, amenant à proposer une nouvelle approche de la résolution des crises armées en Afrique. Cette thèse vise donc à comprendre les stratégies des organisations internationales, leur efficacité et leur faiblesse dans le retour à la paix et le renforcement des institutions démocratiques. / Since 1990, the West African states face insecurity and the struggle for armed conflict resolution. They are mostly destabilized by military coup. International community support Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia and Sierra Leone in the research of conflict solutions and the building of democratic institutions in the African states. Instead of the interference of the international organization in the African’s internal affairs and the strategies adopted, the insecurity continues to be a real problem for the stability of the sub-region. The states continue to be fragile. According to the assistance of UNO specialized agencies, an international Non-Government Organization (INGO) network is built around the assistance activities, to support the consequences of the armed conflicts. The INGO make the most of the opportunities to reinforce their position in the state and to create others activities to improve their business. Despite all positions of ECOWAS, African unity organization, and African Union to prevent conflicts and to find mechanisms of the management and peaceful solution, the states are not able to build a long term peace. The member states make the most opportunity of the insecurity of the sub region. Theirs strategies are to protect their own interests instead of finding solutions for peace. This behavior and the incoherence in theirs peace-actions continue to be subjects of discussion. This makes think another approach of conflict resolution in Africa. My research is to analyze the strategies of the international organizations, their strength and their weakness in peacekeeping and the capacity-building of African democratic institutions.

Selon un bilan établi en 1998 par le Secrétaire général de l’O.N.U., l’Afrique est le continent le plus touché par les conflits. Aussi bien les Organisations Internationales que les Etats contribuent à apaiser les situations soit par la voie pacifique soit par le recours à la force armée. Le premier Président ivoirien avait fait du dialogue sa priorité en matière de résolution des conflits tant internes qu’internationaux. Plusieurs médiations avaient été menées par les autorités ivoiriennes à l’occasion de crises auxquelles étaient confrontés certains pays africains. La Côte d’Ivoire s’était attelée à trouver, par le dialogue, des solutions. Mais elle a également participé à des opérations de maintien de la paix. Le déclenchement de la crise ivoirienne a inversé les rôles. La Côte d’Ivoire a été l’objet de médiations ; des troupes étrangères ont été déployées dans le cadre d’une mission de maintien de la paix. Le dialogue utilisé à l’occasion des autres conflits africains a mis du temps à trouver une application effective. En tout état de cause, c’est par le dialogue que les acteurs politiques ivoiriens ont pu trouver des solutions aux problèmes de la Côte d’Ivoire. / According to an established assessment by the General Secretary of the UN in 1998, Africa is the most affected continent by conflicts. International organisations as well as States play a great part in alleviating conflict situations, either by the peaceful way or the recourse to the armed force. The former Ivorian president has made dialogue his priority, as far as, both internal and international conflicts ‘resolutions are concerned. Several mediations were led by Ivorian authorities at the time of crises with which some African countries were confronted. Côte d’Ivoire set out to find, through dialogue, solutions. But it also took part in peacekeeping operations. The Ivorian crisis outbreak reversed the roles. Côte d’Ivoire has been object of mediations. Some international armed forces have been deployed as part of peacekeeping mission. The dialogue used at the time of other African conflicts took time over finding an effective application. At all events, it is through dialogue that the Ivorian political actors were able to find solutions to the problems of Côte d’Ivoire.

Este trabalho se insere nas discussões sobre governança global ambiental e debate o papel dos líderes burocráticos nas organizações para o meio ambiente, em face à condições externas que desafiem o exercício de sua função política, sob a hipótese exploratória de a despeito de um ambiente desafiador, o tipo de liderança e características pessoais e de formação do líder podem contribuir para a criação e fortalecimento do poder de agenda de uma organização. O caso a ser estudado é o do Programa das Nações Unidas para o Meio Ambiente, no qual se analisa a liderança de três Diretores Executivos (Maurice Strong, Mostafa Tolba e Achim Steiner) durante três marcos históricos (Conferência de Estocolmo, Rio 92 e Rio+20). A forma de liderança empregada é estudada através da tipologia de Oran Young. Características pessoais serão analisadas através do conceito de liderança transformacional. Neste estudo, a formação profissional destes líderes também serão consideradas a fim de compreender sua contribuição para o fortalecimento da função politica ou técnica desta organização. A análise tem como base produções acadêmicas sobre o tema, materiais oficiais e relatórios acerca dos momentos históricos, declarações públicas e percepções de personalidades acerca da atuação e formação dos líderes, além de entrevistas realizadas exclusivamente para esta dissertação. / This dissertation is inserted in the discussions on global environmental governance and it debates the role of international leadership in international organizations for the environment, under the assumption that in face of challenge external conditions, the kind of leadership and the leaders\' personal characteristics and background can positively impact the power of agency of an organization. The case of study is the United Nations Environment Program, analyzing the leadership of three Executive Directors (Maurice Strong, Mostafa Tolba and Achim Steiner) over three historical milestones (Stockholm Conference, Rio 92 and Rio + 20). The kind of leadership performed by individuals is studied using Oran Young\'s typology. Personal characteristics will be analyzed through the concept of transformational leadership. Besides, in this study, leader\'s professional experiences will, also, be considered in order to understand their contribution in strengthening organizations political or technical function organization. The analysis is based on academic contributions on the subject, official materials and reports on the milestones, public statements and perceptions of individuals about leaders\' performance and professional background, as well as interviews conducted exclusively for this dissertation.

Les accords de commerce préférentiels (ACP) sont devenus des instruments importants au travers desquels lesEtats souverains conduisent leurs politiques économiques et façonnent leurs relations politiques internationales.Cette thèse analyse les enjeux transversaux et multidimensionnels des ACP. Dans un premier chapitre, nousmontrons que les domaines de négociation abordés dans les ACP, qui ne relèvent pas du mandat del’organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), augmentent les échanges commerciaux. De plus, les mécanismesde règlement des différends (en anglais DSM) les plus contraignants favorisent le commerce alors que lesmécanismes moyennement contraignants ne sont pas efficaces. Le second chapitre se tourne vers le cotépolitique des ACP et identifie un canal important au travers duquel les DSM incorporés aux ACP peuvent avoirun impact profond sur la prévention des conflits militaires. Nous montrons que les ACP avec les DSMmoyennement contraignantes empêchent l’escalade des sanctions vers les conflits militaires, tandis que les pluscontraignants ne sont pas efficaces. En plus, les Etats qui sont proche politiquement, économiquement etsocialement, sont plus portés à conclure les DSM les plus contraignants. Le troisième chapitre identifie les ACPselon le niveau de légalisme des clauses d’investissement. Nous montrons que les investisseurs internationauxfont face aux risques d’expropriation liés au régime politique du pays hôte ainsi qu'aux relations diplomatiquesentre leur pays et le pays hôte. Notre analyse montre qu'un régime démocratique ainsi que les bonnes relationsdiplomatiques conditionnent positivement les effets des clauses d’investissement légalement contraignantes.Enfin, le quatrième chapitre se penche sur les clauses environnementales pouvant figurer dans les ACP. Ilidentifie les ACP selon le niveau de légalisme des clauses environnementales. Nous montons que les pays Nord-Nord concluent les clauses environnementales avec le niveau le plus contraignant alors que les paires Nord-Sudsont plus sujettes à adopter les clauses environnementales moyennement contraignantes. / Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) have become important instruments through which sovereign statesconduct international economic as well as foreign policies. This thesis analyses multidimensional and crosscuttingissues in PTAs. In the first chapter, we show that policy issues incorporated in PTAs, but outside themandate of World Trade Organization (WTO), have a positive effect on trade. More specifically, highlylegalistic dispute settlement mechanisms (DSM) promote trade liberalization while medium legalistic DSMfeatures do not. The second chapter turns to the political side of PTAs and identifies an important channelthrough which DSMs in PTAs may have profound impact on the prevention of military conflicts. We show thatPTAs with medium level of DSMs prevent the escalation of sanctions to military conflicts, whereas higher leveldoes not. Further, the states that are more politically, economically and socially connected are more prone toform highly legalistic framework in PTAs. The third chapter identifies PTAs according to the level of legalismof investment provisions. Further, we show that international investors face risk of expropriation related to thedomestic political regime of host country as well as the diplomatic relations between home and host countries.Our analysis shows that highly democratic regime as well as the good diplomatic relationship conditionpositively the effects of legally enforced investment provisions. Finally, the fourth chapter identifies PTAsaccording to different levels of legalism of environmental provisions. We show that North-North countries signhighly legalistic environmental provisions whereas North-South country-pairs are more prone to sign mediumlegalistic environmental provisions.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Carneiro Cipriano.pdf: 883781 bytes, checksum: 621b438b7b12b6d4655e050cf68c46a7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-29 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The ever growing need for cooperation on the international plane led states, from the mid-19th century onwards, to create institutional structures currently known as international organizations, to which the exercise of global governance was progressively assigned. Due to the activity performed by such entities, which remains scarcely regulated by general international law, different theories were formulated as to explain the foundations of its powers, each of them differently establishing the limits of international organizations competences. The attributed powers doctrine posits that international organizations possess only those powers expressly laid down in the constitutive treaties, which should be restrictively interpreted, so that organisms can only act based on States will as literally manifested in constitutional provisions. Conversely, the theory of implied powers sustains that international organizations constitutions should be more loosely interpreted, defending that, in addition to the powers expressly conferred, there are others implicitly existent, which can be deduced from express powers or even from the organisms objectives. In its turn, according to the inherent powers doctrine, the founding States will is neither the source of the legal personality of international organizations nor of its competences, postulating that international law itself confer to organisms all the powers deemed necessary to perform its functions, limited solely by statutory prohibitions. The research conducted aimed at providing an outlook of these theories, verifying that, despite the predominance of the implied powers doctrine, the three theories are not necessarily excludent and can be jointly applied, given that each organization s specificities are properly considered / A necessidade de cooperação no plano internacional conduziu os Estados, a partir da metade do século XIX, a criarem estruturas atualmente conhecidas como organizações internacionais, às quais foi progressivamente confiado o exercício da governança global. Em função da atividade que desempenham, ainda escassamente regulada pelo direito internacional positivo, diferentes teorias foram formuladas para dar suporte aos poderes jurídicos de que são titulares, cada qual dimensionando de forma particular os limites de atuação das organizações internacionais. A teoria dos poderes atribuídos sustenta que as organizações possuem apenas os poderes expressamente previstos nos tratados constitutivos, interpretando-os restritivamente, de modo que a ação dos organismos está adstrita à vontade dos Estados manifestada na literalidade das disposições estatutárias. Por sua vez, a teoria dos poderes implícitos defende uma leitura mais ampla das cartas constitutivas, afirmando que, a par dos poderes nelas previstos, há outros cuja existência é implícita, podendo ser deduzidos a partir de outros poderes ou mesmo dos objetivos da organização. Já a teoria dos poderes inerentes, distanciando-se do voluntarismo estatal enquanto base da personalidade jurídica e das competências das organizações, entende que o direito internacional confere diretamente aos organismos todos os poderes necessários ao exercício de suas funções, limitados apenas por vedações estatutárias. A pesquisa desenvolvida buscou traçar o panorama geral de tais teorias, verificando que, muito embora a corrente dos poderes implícitos prevaleça na atualidade, a aplicação concertada das três correntes é admissível, desde que se atente às especificidades de cada organização considerada

Este trabalho se insere nas discussões sobre governança global ambiental e debate o papel dos líderes burocráticos nas organizações para o meio ambiente, em face à condições externas que desafiem o exercício de sua função política, sob a hipótese exploratória de a despeito de um ambiente desafiador, o tipo de liderança e características pessoais e de formação do líder podem contribuir para a criação e fortalecimento do poder de agenda de uma organização. O caso a ser estudado é o do Programa das Nações Unidas para o Meio Ambiente, no qual se analisa a liderança de três Diretores Executivos (Maurice Strong, Mostafa Tolba e Achim Steiner) durante três marcos históricos (Conferência de Estocolmo, Rio 92 e Rio+20). A forma de liderança empregada é estudada através da tipologia de Oran Young. Características pessoais serão analisadas através do conceito de liderança transformacional. Neste estudo, a formação profissional destes líderes também serão consideradas a fim de compreender sua contribuição para o fortalecimento da função politica ou técnica desta organização. A análise tem como base produções acadêmicas sobre o tema, materiais oficiais e relatórios acerca dos momentos históricos, declarações públicas e percepções de personalidades acerca da atuação e formação dos líderes, além de entrevistas realizadas exclusivamente para esta dissertação. / This dissertation is inserted in the discussions on global environmental governance and it debates the role of international leadership in international organizations for the environment, under the assumption that in face of challenge external conditions, the kind of leadership and the leaders\' personal characteristics and background can positively impact the power of agency of an organization. The case of study is the United Nations Environment Program, analyzing the leadership of three Executive Directors (Maurice Strong, Mostafa Tolba and Achim Steiner) over three historical milestones (Stockholm Conference, Rio 92 and Rio + 20). The kind of leadership performed by individuals is studied using Oran Young\'s typology. Personal characteristics will be analyzed through the concept of transformational leadership. Besides, in this study, leader\'s professional experiences will, also, be considered in order to understand their contribution in strengthening organizations political or technical function organization. The analysis is based on academic contributions on the subject, official materials and reports on the milestones, public statements and perceptions of individuals about leaders\' performance and professional background, as well as interviews conducted exclusively for this dissertation.