Master of Arts / Department of Speech, Theatre, and Dance / Charles J. Griffin / The primary purpose of the Supreme Court is to interpret the constitution. The Court determines whether acts in society are Constitutional. Because of this responsibility, the Court itself is an institution that influences and is influenced by ideology and rhetoric. Because society’s ideology changes due to humans conversing with one another, so does the law. Given this context, America’s First Amendment provides an abundant body of artifacts where the law and rhetorical ideology overlap. One particular right granted in the First Amendment is the freedom to speak. This right granted by the Constitution is titled the free speech clause. This clause has been a subject of debate throughout American history. Furthermore, this right has been defined, re-defined, and shaped to fit certain particular interests in society. The Supreme Court last year made a recent landmark decision that concerns freedom of speech and campaign finance. This study will examine Citizens United v. Federal Elections Commission in order to investigate the rhetorical strategies and ideological influences embedded within the decision. The methodological tool of McGee’s proposed ideograph will be used in order to answer the following research question: What role does ideology, concerning free speech, play in the Citizens United v. FEC? From the given analysis, two ideographs emerged, <Marketplace of ideas> and <Corruption>. These two ideographs provided the basis to articulate an ideological framework by which scholars can understand the Supreme Court and answer the following research question. Furthermore, the analysis of this decision assisted this study to explain possible implications and conclusions from the ruling in Citizens United.

This dissertation argues that the material conditions of many street sex workers--the physical environments they live in and their effects on the workers' bodies, identities, and spirits--are represented, reproduced, and entrenched in the language surrounding their work. My research is an ethnographic case study of a local system that can be extrapolated to other subcultures and the construction of identities, while situating sex work and the industry as rhetorical constructions. My research offers an example of how an examination of the signs and symbols that comprise "material conditions" can be rhetorically analyzed in order to better understand how goals, agendas, interests, and ideologies are represented and implemented through language.Located central to my analysis are the street sex workers' voices. I use an ideological rhetorical analysis, or rhetorically--the study of how language shapes and is shaped by cultures, institutions, and the individuals within them, and ideologically--the identification and examination of the underlying assumptions of communicative interactions. I delineate how these material conditions are reproduced and, at times, subverted, and I offer an outline for modifying the discourse used in policy in ways that are more empowering and authentic to sex workers' lives.Policy makers, activists, and academics, among others, wrestle with complicated issues to analyze and write laws and policies and to design social services. Discourse is always at the center of these struggles. Because my study investigates the language of policy-making and the people who forge it, it has implications for ethics and policy in relation to gender studies, cultural studies, and ethnographic research.Examining the rhetorical constructions and interactions and their related effects on policy elucidates the discursive complexity that exists in meaning-making systems. This analysis also offers an explanation of how constructions can be made differently in order to achieve representations that are generated by the marginalized populations themselves, while placing responsibility for this marginalization on the society in which these people live.

This thesis examines the topic of poverty and the treatment of economically marginalized individuals in official high school financial literacy curriculum frameworks in the United States and Canada. Employing critical discourse and ideological analysis, this study investigates the stated and unstated ideological assumptions underpinning financial literacy curriculum documents and what they imply about poverty and people who are poor. Findings suggest that official financial literacy curriculum frameworks overwhelmingly ascribe to individualistic paradigms of poverty that see individuals as personally responsible for their financial outcomes. Few documents examined delve into the social, political, and economic contexts affecting individuals’ ability to maintain financial security and build wealth. Additionally, topics of relevance to people who are poor as well as their perspectives and experiences are avoided in the majority of these documents, which are found to be middle-class centric. Offering a critique of financial literacy as it is manifested in contemporary U.S. and Canadian curriculum frameworks, this thesis contributes to scholarship problematizing financial literacy initiatives and calling for more inclusive, critical, and social justice oriented approaches to financial literacy education.

Anarchism is an ideology based on the working-class consciousness and its aim is to destroy any authoritarian institution and to live horizontally. In the Spanish context, Anarchism had a strong presence primarily during the three first decades of the 1900’s. This thesis argues that Spanish Anarchism has been exposed to ideological changes and strives to analyse which elements that have undergone ideological transformation and which ones that remained stable through four periods: the arrival of Anarchism to Spain (1868 – 1881), the Golden Ages of Anarchism (1931 –1939), the Francoist era and Transition to democracy (1939-1980) and the current situation (2000 – 2023). To answer this question, this thesis has combined Michael Freeden’s theory on morphological ideologies with the ideological analysis method of Kristina Boréus and Göran Bergström to get four models that depict semantically Spanish Ideology through different anarchist sources: manifestos, congress agreements, press articles, documentaries, official webpages, etc. The results show that the core concepts of the ideology remained the same from the 19th century and onwards, however with some additions; changes usually appear in the adjacent and peripheral concepts as adaptations to the historical contexts.

This study aims to assess the Swedish national value framework (Svenska statliga värdegrunden) in light of liberal multicultural theory, with a particular focus on the perceived conflict between theoretical principles and actual political practices, exemplified by Swedish authorities' participation in Stockholm Pride. To achieve this, an ideological analysis applies three contemporary liberal multicultural theories to evaluate the alignment of the Swedish national value framework with these theories. The subsequent examination of Swedish authorities' involvement in Stockholm Pride seeks to determine whether such participation is endorsed or discouraged by the identified theoretical framework. The analysis supports a fundamental premise of this study – that state authorities' active support for LGBTQ+ rights and participation in Stockholm Pride is not only acceptable but also encouraged by liberal multicultural theory. Importantly, this endorsement does not compromise the principles of state neutrality integral to liberal ideals.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:34:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francis Nunes Pereira protegido.pdf: 10904617 bytes, checksum: e0998184e4e298a97bdacc02d304abd5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-15 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / In this thesis it is reflected about the superstructure notions from the scientific text, as basis for the establishment of reading procedures, from which it is possible to obtain as a result the textual production of the reading report genre. It is intended to verify how the superstructure, based on Textual Linguistics, can establish the bases for guidance at the textual elaboration of this genre, and how the activity helps to build social relations. The purpose is to study the implications of the genres belonging to academic context and their reflex in the process of inserting the individual in the social groups. For this, the work relies on studies on superstructure and cognitive models of global representation, understood for ideological analysis of speech, based on social and cognitive psychology, at sociology and at speech analysis. Theoretical bases get in confront, which establish the principles for a complementary study between superstructure and genres, as well as their ideological implications. It is defended in this thesis that a citizen is inserted in social groups through knowledge, domain and practice of the representation models, facing three stages: a) assimilation and acceptance of both ideologies and representation models; b) practice of the assimilated models, in agreement, including with the learned ideologies, which enable him the receiving of voice inside the group, assigned by the group itself; c) chance of proposing changes in the social representation models and in the group s beliefs, through the voice built / Nesta tese reflete-se sobre as noções da superestrutura do texto científico, como base para o estabelecimento de procedimentos de leitura, a partir dos quais se pode obter por resultado a produção textual do gênero relatório de leitura. Objetiva-se verificar como a superestrutura, com base na Lingüística Textual, pode estabelecer as bases para orientação na elaboração textual desse gênero, e como a atividade ajuda a construir relações sociais. Procura-se estudar as implicações dos gêneros pertencentes ao contexto acadêmico e seus reflexos no processo de inserção do sujeito nos grupos sociais. Para tanto, o trabalho se apóia em estudos sobre superestrutura e modelos cognitivos de representações globais, entendidos para a análise ideológica do discurso, embasada na psicologia social e cognitiva, na sociologia e na análise do discurso. Confrontam-se bases teóricas que estabelecem os princípios para um estudo complementar entre superestrutura e gêneros, bem como suas implicações ideológicas. Defende-se nesta tese que é por meio do conhecimento, domínio e prática dos modelos de representações que o cidadão se insere nos grupos sociais, passando por três estágios: a) assimilação e aceitação das ideologias e dos modelos de representações; b) prática dos modelos assimilados, em concordância, inclusive, com as ideologias aprendidas, o que possibilita a ele o recebimento de voz dentro do grupo, atribuída pelo próprio grupo; c) possibilidade de propor mudanças nos modelos de representação social e nas crenças do grupo, por meio do plurivocalismo construído

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:39:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Tereza Labate Mantovanini.pdf: 198695 bytes, checksum: bc25c83bafae8001ae37b703e0c14dd6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-11-09 / This study is a cultural-ideological analysis towards the speech of the participants of the Clinical and Research Center of the Brazilian Psychoanalysis Society of São Paulo. The approach here is to understand it as a symptom of what is being considered the crisis of Psychoanalysis. This study was carried out by the analysis of official documents and interviews with professionals (Psychoanalysts and Administration members) within the institution. Through the constituted relations of the explicit discourse, I tried to reveal the implicit concealed discourse that supports it. The conclusion addresses this crisis as a result of something not stated, e.g., the decrease in demand for psychoanalysis, especially according to the standard requirements of the International Psychoanalytical Association, namely, four sessions per week. Consequently, this fact produces some important issues. The first aspect concerns the psychoanalysis' survival as a therapeutic practice per se. The other two deal more subjectively with the psychoanalysts professional feasibility and their identity crisis / Trata-se de uma análise cultural-ideológica do discurso dos participantes do Centro Clínico e de Pesquisa da Sociedade Brasileira de Psicanálise de São Paulo, tomando-o como sintoma do que está sendo considerada a crise da psicanálise. Este estudo foi realizado mediante a análise tanto dos documentos oficiais do Centro, quanto de entrevistas com os membros do Corpo Diretivo e Analistas participantes da instituição. Por meio das relações constituídas e evidenciadas pelo que denominei discurso explícito, procurei chegar ao campo que o suporta, ou seja, o discurso implícito que oculta. Concluo que a crise se manifesta por algo não dito, a saber, a diminuição da procura por análise, em especial nos padrões propostos pela International Psychoanalytical Association, de quatro vezes por semana, fato que gera alguns desdobramentos. O primeiro deles diz respeito à própria sobrevivência da enquanto prática terapêutica. Outros dois desdobramentos, de caráter mais subjetivo, tratam da viabilidade profissional dos psicanalistas e de uma crise de identidade dos mesmos

In this comparative study of the two regions, Catalonia and Scotland, the party manifestos of the nationalistic parties will be compared, through an ideological point of view. In 2014 media gave attention to the two referendums, that the countries held quite close to each other. Europe were waiting with tension on the first elections results. The Scottish people voted no to independence from the United Kingdom. The Catalan people still went to the polls with high anticipation for independence for Catalonia, eventhough Spain had called the referendum illegal due to being against the constitution.   In order to make a comparison between, the Scottish National Party and the coalition party Junts pel Sí, an ideological analysis has been made. The aim with the study is to see similarities and differences between the two regions’ nationalistic movements and also to tell them apart from other nationalistic movements, by defining the ideological type. The results show that they are both quite nationalistic in their nature, meaning that they both would prefer independence. However, the Scottish National Party is less striving for independence and seek more to have greater influence in the parliament at Westminster. The Catalan nationalistic coalition party, on the other hand, strongly wants  independence. They desire a liberal democracy with an open Catalan market to the world, by international partnerships, and memberships with important international organs like the EU.   Eventhough much might speak for the nationalistic movements’ similarities, many interesting and diverse differences were found. These discoveries are important because all nationalistic movements aren’t the same and shouldn’t be seen as such.

This study aims to provide answers to how the former Alliance parties relate to their basic ideologies today in comparison to the ideological anchoring during the time when the Alliance cooperation was still relevant in Swedish politics. The study also seeks to explain observed disparities based on previous political science research on Sweden's party system, the GAL-TAN scale and median voter theory. The investigation applies two dimensions to capture the ideologies in the materials; the view of human beings and social theory where an economic aspect is also included. The study examines how prevalent the parties ideologies are within the migration policies and school policies. These areas are perceived to cover the selected dimensions. The goal is for the study to increase political awareness among voters, provide increased knowledge of how Sweden's party system works and provide an explanation as to why the Alliance eventually split. The method used in the study is a qualitative ideology analysis of party programs and election manifestos based on two time periods; year 2004 and 2022. The results show that the parties follow their ideologies to a large extent based on the material. What deviated was that the Moderates' migration policy attitude has changed, whereby the party has moved more towards TAN on the GAL-TAN scale. However, the survey is not comprehensive in order to fully establish whether the parties' ideologies are followed, partly because only two policy areas are analyzed and partly because the actual and real policies were not examined.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This study utilizes an ideological rhetorical analysis, applying Marxist and Feminist lenses, to artifacts from Kiwanis International, a prominent global service organization. These artifacts are: "The Permanent Objects of Kiwanis," guiding principles that were codified in 1924; "The Man Who Was God": a brief story about transforming from Kiwanis member to "Kiwanian," published in 1935 and 1985, respectively; and the 2012 "Join the Club" Membership Brochure. The rhetoric of discursive materials is one of the most salient representations of group ideology. In turn, ideology, particularly when it reflects and perpetuates social hegemony, has a normalizing effect on itself. Ideology shapes identity; identity shapes strategies to set process norms that create social cohesion. Norms of social cohesion become culture; culture reinforces ideology. When these components mirror social hegemony and replicate hegemonic power, they create institutions, like service organizations; these institutions then legitimate and normalize positions of social privilege. Ultimately, ideology and social hegemony reveal themselves through organizational and member practices and organizationally-produced discursive material. The purpose of this study is to analyze the historical, socio-political, and socio-cultural roots of Kiwanis International in order to draw logical conclusions about the organization's ideology for the purposes of understanding how that ideology contributes to, justifies, and perpetuates an unconscious, neo-colonial view of philanthropy. Kiwanis International, on an organizational (macro) level and at the club/member (micro) level, is structured around positions of racial, ethnic, socio-economic, linguistic, gender, and religious privilege, and so mimics the hegemonic power centers and dominant ideologies of society at large. In turn, the products and practices of the organization reflect these positions of privilege and inhibits the organization's ability to attract traditionally excluded, disenfranchised, or under-represented groups. Understanding that it is a contentious and futile to simply point where power relations exist and assert themselves, this study emphasizes where "othering" occurs in hopes of mitigating relations of domination and oppression between Kiwanis members and perspective members, and of moving forward the interests of those who have not traditionally been counted among Kiwanis' members but whose presence could save the organization.