The purpose of this research was to determine if there is a model of ideal femininity communicated through advertising in girls’ and women’s magazines. To assess the representations of women in magazine advertisements, a content analysis of advertisements appearing in three top-selling, demographically-defined women’s magazines (Girls’ Life, Seventeen, and Cosmopolitan) was conducted. Using feminist theory and hegemony theory as critical lenses, advertisements were analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively. Each advertisement was assessed using five criteria: physical characteristics, social context, personality and attitude, and subtext. Using this data to establish the dominant representations of women, it was determined that there is a model of ideal femininity which is developed through establishing common ideals shared by all three magazines and by gradually introducing new ideals which correspond to shifts in real-world interests and experiences of women. It was concluded that a model of ideal femininity is developed through advertising in girls’ and women’s magazines, this model is used as a guide to direct girls and women towards specific ideal preferences, attitudes and behaviours, and this model continues to emphasise traditional cultural values and gender ideals which are not necessarily reflective of the range of roles women assume in today’s society.

Why do ordinary individuals participate in mass violence perpetrated against civilians? That is the question I will attempt to answer in the following paper. I consider these men ordinary to the extent that the majority was not socially deviant. Looking at the case of Nazi Germany, two groups stand out as good case studies: the SS Einsatzgruppen and the SS cadres in the Death camps. The following analysis will focus on the motivations of these men to commit mass murder. I argue for a causal sequence of action, beginning with the onset of Nazi ideology, further followed by the dehumanization of the victim and the brutalization of the perpetrator. I will demonstrate how the ideology present during German interwar society influenced these men into participation. Dehumanization and brutalization are complimentary factors that push these men into action.

Es necesario replantear las causas de la crisis del régimen liberal en España, y analizar la cuestión con una nueva perspectiva. Existen muchos indicadores de que no puede seguir sosteniéndose la tesis de que las fuerzas del régimen fueron en general, y en todos los aspectos, fundamentales refractarias al las reformas. Esto es especialmente llamativo en lo que atañe al Partido Conservador, cuya naturaleza ideológica y cuya trayectoria política entre 1876 y 1923 es analizada en esta tesis. El Partido Conservador fue una fuerza liberal conservadora contraria a la revolución, pero dispuesta a aceptar ciertas reformas. Esta disposición se materializó sobre todo en una política de reforma social que, pese a su moderación, en el contexto de los años posteriores a 1914, le hizo situarse en una posición que desbordó por la izquierda los planteamientos predominantes en las clases conservadoras, que abandonaron al régimen y apoyaron la nueva situación política de 1923 en gran medida como rechazo a la política reformista del régimen a partir de 1917. / It is necessary to rethink the causes of the crisis of the restoration liberal regime in Spain, and discuss the matter from a new perspective. There are many indicators to reject the thesis that the forces of the regime were in general and in all aspects basic refractary to any reform. This is particularly striking regarding the conservative party, whose ideological nature and whose policies between 1876 and 1923 are analyzed in this study. The conservative party was a liberal force contrary to the revolution, but too bent to accept certain reforms. This political force showed this reformist attitude especially in the social policy. In the context of the subsequent years to 1914, that policy was developed to such a level that the party finally placed itself n a position that did not match to the dominant approaches in the conservative classes. The wide support received in September 1923 by the military and rightist coup the etat of general Primo de Rivera is closely linked to the large reject to the upper classes of society to the reformist politics of the regime started after 1917.

This dissertation engages the historiography of American citizenship and identity, republican traditions in American life and thought, and explores the evolution of military leadership in American society during the American Civil War. The nature, experiences and evolution of citizen-soldiers and citizen-officers, both Union and Confederate, reveal that the sentimental, often romantic expectations and ideologies forged in the American Revolution and modified during the antebellum era were recast, adapted, and modified under the extreme pressures of four years of conflict. Civil War citizen-officers experienced extreme pressures to emulate the professional officers of the regular army and to accommodate the ideological expectations of the independent, civic-minded volunteers they led. These junior leaders arrived at creative, often ingenious solutions to overcome the unique leadership challenges posed by the tension between antebellum democratic values and the demands of military necessity. Though the nature and identity of the officers in both armies evolved over time, the ideological foundations that informed Civil War Americans’ conceptions of military service persisted throughout the conflict. The key to the persistence of the citizen-soldier ethos and citizen-officer image during and after the Civil War era lies in the considerable power of antebellum Americans’ shared but malleable republican tradition. By focusing on the experience of volunteer company-grade officers in the Civil War era, we discover how the ordeal of the Civil War forced Americans to reevaluate and reconcile the role of the individual in this arrangement, both elevating and de-emphasizing the centrality of the citizen-soldier to the evolving narrative of American identity, citizenship, and leadership.

In this exploratory case study, I compare and contrast the self-employment experiences and hiring practices of Black, Latino, and White business owners in the Atlanta construction industry. While much of the ethnic entrepreneurship literature has explained the racialized differences between racial and ethnic groups concerning self-employment and their hiring practices, few studies have been able to provide a clear explanation of the mechanisms racial groups use to maintain an economic and social edge without being overtly racist. Furthermore, many scholars have not yet begun to compare the experiences of Whites, Blacks, and Latinos in the South and how their racial ideologies and competition spur on discrimination and racism in a supposedly “color-blind” environment. To address these gaps, I interviewed 42 White, Black, and Latino sub- and general contractors in the Atlanta metropolitan area. I also collected observational data by visiting the worksites of my respondents and attending organizational meetings. Results suggest that even though many of my respondents indicated that racial dissimilarities were due to individual effort and poor motivation, I find that these color-blind ideologies work well to solidify the racial hierarchy and privilege White contractors. I also find that these ideologies block Blacks and Latinos from obtaining better financing, building a good reputation, or having access to important social connections that introduced most contractors to more lucrative prospects. More importantly, the White “good ole’ boy” networks worked as a mechanism to exclude Blacks and Latinos from more lucrative connections, and keep any interactions to a strictly employee-employer relationship. However, these business owners’ hiring practices are the same: they want the cheapest and hardest-working employees they can get, who are usually Latino laborers. By moving beyond the black/white dichotomy, this study offers new explanations of race relations and racial inequality in a metropolitan area recently affected by immigration. Finally, I show that competition pushes these contractors to be more discriminatory, especially when Latino immigrants threaten their "hard-earned" social positions. My empirical and conceptual analyses provide a good start toward explaining how racism and discrimination is organized and continues to persist in a major U.S. industry.

Abstract: This ethnographic study compares and contrasts performative masculinities of the overwhelmingly male heavy metal (HM) and hardcore (HC) subcultures. Conclusions derived from this research indicate the following: identities associated with HM and HC conflate masculinity with working-classness, HM and HC identities (and thus masculinities) are merging at present; participation in HM and HC enclaves can serve to symbolically marginalize constituents, and this symbolic marginalization can result in repercussions in the lived world outside of subculture; the hegemonic masculinity of HM and HC subcultures is subsidiary hegemonic masculinity, meaning that it supports the male-dominated structure of mainstream culture without empowering HM and HC males in an extra-subcultural sense; and that despite these negative ramifications, HM and HC participants still find the shared identities and community interaction of these enclaves to be empowering. Keywords: heavy metal, hardcore, subculture, masculinity, performativity, gender, class, ideology, rock music, identity

Syftet med detta arbete var att undersöka processen i uppkomsten av nya kurs- och ämnesplaner. För att uppnå syftet gjordes en institutionsanalys där skolans olika maktcentra analyserades. Som en del i syftet undersöktes kunskapsbegeppet i två gymnasiala kurs- och ämnesplaner, detta för att se hur processen i utarbetandet av kurs- och ämnesplaner hänger ihop med kunskapsbegreppet. Metoden som användes i analysen av kurs- och ämnesplanerna var ideologisk textanalys där fokus låg på att ringa in ideologiskt färgade begrepp. Arbetets resultat blev att processen i uppkomsten av kurs- och ämnesplaner är byråkratisk och organisatorisk med flera maktcentra som är delaktiga vilket leder till att kurs- och ämnesplanerna kan ses som politiska maktutövningar. Ett tydligt resultat blev också att kunskapsbegreppet i kurs- och ämnesplanerna färgas av den politiska diskurs och de politiska kompromisser som finns i samhället vid tiden för utformandet av kurs- och ämnesplanerna. / Aim for this research was to analyze the process in which new school programs arise. To fulfill this aim an institution analyze was made where different powers where analyzed. As part of this research the word knowledge in two different school programs was analyzed, in order to point out words with an ideological construction. These two methods made the research comprehensive and essential. The result of this research was that the process in which school programs arise is bureaucratic and several powers are assessorial in the process. Based on this the school programs can be seen as an exertion of political power. Another result is that the word knowledge in the school programs is coloured by the political discourse and the political compromises reigning at the time for the designing of the school programs.

The main purpose of this analytic study which has a theoretical focus, Is to find out if the two Swedish parties Socialdemokraterna (s) - The Social Democrats - and Folkpartiet (p) - The Liberal Party - has taken position ideologically or strategically to the new sex-degree grading scale. The theory section describes the concepts of ideology and strategy. Despite the talk of the death of the ideologies, this don't need to be the case, they only adjust över time. The second key-point of this essay is strategy, a model based on Frostbergs reasoning illustrates this. A number of problem areas are presented. The politicians are driven by a desire to to realize their preferences and sometimes come strategic actions necessary. On the other side are the voters who will assess the degree of contact and the credibility of what the different parties presents. The material is based upon a varied mix of sources. Socialdemokraterna stands for a theory of equality while Folkpartiet has its roots in the liberal ideas. These two parties have previously done deals in heavy issues, this in a political land of sometimes unexpected decisions and alliances. The school is central to the Government and is a constant  topic of discussion and criticism. Something must be done because the Swedish school has been unsuccessful in quality intemationally. A model is used to illustrate and analyze the outcome of the result of the two parties if they has acted ideologically or strategically in the case of the grade-system. The answer is that (fp) has acted ideologically because they have a clear link to their ideal-type determination. Socialdemokraterna have acted strategically in relation to ideological points as well in their overall opinion explanation with the school had to give up on a number on of points.

The number of women in the Chartered Accounting (CA) profession has continued to rise since the 1970s; women now make up one-third of working CAs in Canada (Tabone, 2007). Yet, the number of women in the upper levels of the profession remains very low. The main purpose of this dissertation is to understand how women CAs experience and talk about the CA profession and to explore the implications of the CA context for the development and maintenance of friendship among women CAs. The ways in which power and agency are exercised in the micro-politics of the everyday lives of women CAs and the nexus of relations through which individuals develop and enact their identities is explored through open-ended interviews and discussion groups with Western Canadian women CAs. <p> The dominant ideology of professionalism constructs both individual and collective identities while structuring workplace relations. The findings of this study demonstrate that female CAs believe strongly in elements of professionalism such as meritocracy, excellence, client service, and commitment but that their understanding is gender-neutral and differs from the dominant masculinist interpretations and practices. The participants narratives reveal a particular pattern of engagement with the profession characterized by stages of early optimism, disillusionment and the glass ceiling, negotiation and the glass box, resignation, and justification. All participants encountered a glass ceiling, or invisible barriers to advancement, as a result of the conflicting meanings of the ideals of professionalism. As the women attempted to negotiate solutions to the constraints imposed by the professions elite, masculinist discourses were mobilized by those in power in new ways resulting in further constraints upon the women, containing them within a glass box that limited their career mobility in all directions and may contribute to gender segmentation in the profession.<p>Masculinist discursive practices have a significant impact not only on the participants career aspirations, but also on their friendship relationships, which are, in part, constituted by their relationship to the profession, their need for support against masculinist strategies, and their choice of gender identity strategy. Friendships do not increase activism as the participants feel powerless to create change and fear reprisals.

This thesis aims at comparatively analyzing the representation of financial capitalism in Wall Street (1987) and Wall Street. Money Never Sleeps (2010) with focusing on exploring in which ways the films promote/criticize the financial capitalism they portray. Theoretical approaches concerning film theories are mainly through ideological analysis, and supplemented by structuralist and semiotic theories. As methods used in data gathering and analyzing, basic film content analyses are principally applied through illustrating with film contents extracted from the films in qualitative and comparative ways in order to describe and distinguish the ideological positions of pro- and anti-capitalism in the two films. The results show an interesting fact that positions from the villain to the moral center are symbolized by both different characters separately and the key character (Gorden Gekko) alone. The analysis also shows that both of the films promote capitalism of freedom, which inspire people to work hard and create property for society, and criticize it of greed and immorality. However, Wall Street II is not nearly as merciless as the original, and it seems more fascinated than critical.