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The topic of my doctoral dissertation is Washington's Indochina policy from 1973-6. My thesis seeks to shed new light on the period and aims to clarify the central points that have been raised in the surrounding academic controversy. In the study it is argued that neither the so-called "decent interval" nor the "permanent war" theory adequately captures Nixon and Kissinger's post-Paris Agreement strategy. Moreover, my study attempts to highlight both the accuracy and shortcomings of Nixon and Kissinger' s own accounts. In so doing, it aims to offer a new interpretation of Nixon, Kissinger, and later Ford's Indochina policy that centers on the concept of an "insurance policy." In my disse1tation it is argued that the protagonists followed a twofold strategy of making a major effort to uphold South Vietnam while at the same time maintaining a fallback strategy of downplaying the overall significance of Vietnam, stressing good relations with the Soviets' and Chinese, and creating an image of touglmess to counterbalance possible defeat in Indochina. In addition to telling the story of the "war after the war" in Vietnam, my dissertation places Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's Indochina policy in the broader Cold War context of the 1970s. Contrary to previous analyses, it is argued in the study that the three men's concern with great power relations and American credibility does not seem to have led to a simplistic understanding of the situation in Indochina. Moreover, the link between domestic and foreign policy constitutes a central element of my analysis. While it is concluded that Nixon and Kissinger rightly considered the Watergate scandal as the detennining factor for the actual passage of the long-sought congressional funding cuts for Indochina, it is also argued that Watergate was a self-inflicted mistake rather than a tragedy. More generally speaking, it is maintained that domestic political considerations were important on Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's side, but did not oveITide the protagonists' foreign policy concerns. Finally, my doctoral dissertation provides a reevaluation of Ford that stresses the president's agent role in implementing a hawkish Indochina policy. In sum, my analysis of Washington's Indochina policy highlights Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's concern with flexibility and their attempt to respond to the challenges of the turbulent 1970s with a coherent, adaptable realpolitik.

Sous l’ombre tutélaire des temples d’Angkor, les militaires français ont marqué de leur empreinte toute l’histoire du protectorat français au Cambodge. Nous avons décliné cette action sous trois aspects. Une action politique et diplomatique qui engerbe les problématiques liées au contexte cambodgien mais aussi celles des grands équilibres régionaux et internationaux. L’étude s’attache à discerner ce qui tient de l’engagement personnel des militaires et ce qui se réfère aux engagements politiques et diplomatiques du gouvernement français. Une action militaire qui a pour but de pacifier le Cambodge, de sauvegarder les intérêts français puis d’éviter l’invasion du pays par les forces communistes. Les méthodes et l’efficacité de l’outil militaire français dans ce contexte sont particulièrement analysées. Enfin, il s’agit d’analyser l’action des « militaires sans armes » : explorateurs, archéologues, ethnologues, écrivains etc., qui consolident le rôle de la France dans la reconstruction de l’identité khmère et affirment sa présence en Indochine. Une analyse prosopographique tente de discerner, pour chacun des militaires concernés, l’action qui peut s’expliquer comme une quête personnelle, voire intime, et celle qui tient de sa mission ou de l’œuvre collective. La nature du protectorat créé par les militaires français puis son évolution vers un modèle tendant à s’adapter aux invariants khmers et au contexte politique français est au coeur de cette étude. L’outil militaire français au Cambodge se dévoile ainsi à travers sa structuration, son fonctionnement et ses métamorphoses créant une situation coloniale singulière entre la France et le Cambodge. / Under the protecting shadow of the Angkor temples, the French military have left their mark in the history of the French protectorate in Cambodia. We propose to portray this action from three different angles. A political and diplomatic action that embraces the questions related to the Cambodian context, and those related to the regional and international balance of powers. The study seeks to discern what pertains to the personal commitment of the military, and what refers to the political and diplomatic commitments of the French government. A military action that aims to pacify Cambodia, to safeguard the French interests, and to avoid the invasion of the country by the communist forces. The methods and effectiveness of the French military tool in this context are carefully analysed. Finally, the action of the "unarmed soldiers": explorers, archaeologists, ethnologists, writers, etc., who also played a key role in the reconstruction of the Khmer identity, and in reinforcing its presence in the French Indochina. A prosopographic analysis attempts to differentiate, for each of the soldiers involved, the action that can be explained as a personal and sometimes intimate quest, from the action that is part of his mission or that could be considered as the product of the collective work. The nature of the protectorate, created by the French military, and its evolution towards a model inclined to adapt itself to the Khmer invariants and to the French political context, are at the heart of this study. The French military tool in Cambodia is thus revealed through its structuring, functioning and metamorphosis creating an unusual colonial relationship between France and Cambodia.

After the year of 1968, which was crucial in the history of the war in Indochina , a new phase of a conflict started to evolve. The United States, under President Lyndon B. Johnson, after the Tet offensive and massive domestic protests, finally retreated from the goal of military victory and changed its strategy to get out of the conflict as quickly as possible. Johnson had established negotiations with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in Paris, which the South Vietnamese President Nguyen Van Thieu systematically negated. As it was later revealed, this was done in cooperation with the Republican candidate for President Richard M. Nixon, who wanted to do this in order to compromise policy of a Democratic president and take his place himself. Nixon, after his appointment to the presidency, assumed that renewed negotiations in Paris would be simple and would lead to the rapid end of the war. Soon it became clear that it was a mistake. North Vietnamese and communist insurgents in South Vietnam managed, due to conflicts caused by Thieu and by the delay between flares, to restore their strength and they were no longer willing to retreat. Negotiations bogged down in fruitless debates and disputes. Nixon and his closest collaborator Henry Kissinger were forced to seek other solutions. On the...

Le principal objet de ce travail est l’enseignement au Vietnam pendant la période coloniale française 1862-1945 dans la formation des intellectuels vietnamiens. En effet, dans le bouleversement historique de la période coloniale (1862-1945), la société vietnamienne a connu des transformations radicales. L’enseignement au Vietnam a connu des changements sans précédent. En Cochinchine, après qu’elle est devenue colonie française (1862-1864), les concours des lettrés sont supprimés. Au Tonkin et en Annam, après les réformes de 1906 à 1917, le système de l’enseignement traditionnel est supprimé en 1919. Au début, l'enseignement en langue française a comme but de former des interprètes. Mais, seule une partie de la population vietnamienne accepte d’envoyer ses enfants dans les écoles françaises. Après les mouvements vers l’instruction occidentale dirigée par des lettrés dans la première décennie du XXe siècle, la population a changé d’attitude par rapport à l’école française. Avec l’application du Règlement Général de l’Instruction Publique de 1917, le système d’enseignement en français est devenu le seul système de l’enseignement officiel. Pendant la période 1862-1945, on constate la disparition progressive de la classe des lettrés et l’émergence des nouveaux intellectuels modernes. La majorité des intellectuels de cette période est issue de l’école française en Indochine. Même si le nombre d’écoles est faible, on constate que la qualité est bonne. Les écoles en français au Vietnam 1862-1945, notamment, les écoles post primaires et supérieures, sont des établissements importants pour répandre les connaissances, la culture et les sciences. Les collèges et les lycées franco indigènes sont les lieux d’étude de la majorité des intellectuels vietnamiens formés avant 1945. L’École de Médecine et de Pharmacie, l’École supérieure des Sciences ont formé des chercheurs vietnamiens célèbres. Il y a des professeurs vietnamiens remarquables qui sont issus de l’École supérieure de Pédagogie de l’Indochine. L’École supérieure de Droit d’Hanoi a formé des élites intellectuelles. L’École des Beaux-arts de l’Indochine est à l’origine de la première génération des artistes modernes vietnamiens. / Purpose of this research is the role of education system in Vietnam during colonial period from 1862 to 1945 on training Vietnamese intellectuals. Indeed, in the vicissitudes of the colonial period of 1862-1945, the Vietnamese society had great changes. Vietnam education had changes which never occurred before. After becoming French’s colony (1862-1864), traditional system’s examinations selecting mandarins in Cochinchina had been abolished. And in the Northern and Central Highlands, after the course of 1906 – 1917 reforms, the traditional education system was abolished in 1919. Initially, education in French aimed at training interpreter. But only a small part of the Vietnamese population sent their children into the school of French. It was not until after the socialist movement in the early twentieth century that scholars (or those organized by scholars) encouraged and directed at Western education, people had changed their attitude towards education in French.With the adoption of the General Education Act of 1917, the French language education system became the formal and sole educational system.In the period of 1862-1945, people saw the gradual disappearance of the Confucian scholar and the emergence of new intellectuals. Most of the intellectuals in this period had studied in French schools in Indochina. Although the number of schools was few, we noted that its quality was good.Schools in the French language in Vietnam from 1862 to 1945, especially schools after primary (secondary) and college, university were important facilities to disseminate knowledge, culture and science. High school (secondary and high school or secondary school, high school) was the study place where most Vietnamese intellectuals were trained before 1945. The Indochina Institute of Medicine and Pharmacy, College of Science had trained the famous researchers. Also, there were famous professors of Vietnam who had been trained by The Indochina College of Pedagogics. Hanoi College of Law had trained intelligentsia. The Indochina Art College was the birthplace of modern generation of artists (painters, sculptors) of Vietnam.

Thesis (M.A.)--Brandeis University, 2009. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on May 29, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

Voilà soixante ans que la France s'est retirée de l'Indochine. La chute de Diên Biên Phu, le 7 mai 1954, et la conférence de Genève, qui s'est achevée le 21 juillet 1954, ont mis un terme à l'engagement français en Asie du Sud-Est qui avait duré presque un siècle.Aujourd'hui, l'ancienne colonie ne joue qu'un rôle secondaire dans la perception publique. La littérature constitue une exception dans la mesure où elle reconstruit l'Indochine en prose. Ce que nous proposons dans cette thèse de doctorat est une analyse qui se concentre sur les représentations imaginaires du territoire de l'Indochine. Nous tenteronsde démontrer que c'est autour d'une logique spatiale que se constitue la littérature postcoloniale.En comparaison avec la littérature, les autobiographies historiques, les photographies et les films prétendent de rendre compte de la situation en Indochine en présentant juste un détail qui recouvre la complexité d'une vue d'ensemble. Uniquement la littérature postcoloniale révèle une approche critique et de son histoire et de son discours ainsi que de ses limites. Le récit sur l'Indochine révèle ses modes d'imagination. De cette façon, il correspond plusà la « vérité » de la colonie que d'autres modes de représentation historique. La linéarité de l'historiographie se termine dans la construction littéraire pour faire place à une Indochine qui est de nouveau un sujet de discours pour les contemporains. / The issue of this project will be the post-colonial imagining of Indochina in mainly French literature. Starting with the historical and geographical roots, it is shown that the imagining of a territory called Indochina began in the 19th century and still has an impact on the narration of the territory. The creation of a colony with this name began in 1862 and ended with the battle of Dien Bien Phu in 1954. Until today, this aspect of the French past is a taboo.The publication of Marguerite Duras' novel „L'amant“ in 1984 gave a new impetus to this subject. Others followed. The objective of this project is to follow these traces left mainly in texts but also in maps, films, and pictures included in the novels. The digressions between the media leads to a comparison which shows that all media apart from the literature tend to limit their view on Indochina and to cover up the darker parts. The novels develop a critical view on historical science and question its task to maintain history by remaining neutral. It is shown that by telling the story of Indochina without skipping the resulting disastrous impact on the whole society literature has an important task. Creating a story by imagining and by intensifying the narration, literature as a commentary in the sense of Michel Foucault helps to remember why war is still part of every man's and woman's life and why it should stop.

Entre 1930 et 1945, l’Indochine connaît des bouleversements conduisant à un profond réaménagement de la politique coloniale française axée sur une projet identitaire novateur. Cependant, la Seconde Guerre mondiale et l’arrivée du régime de Vichy contribuent à modifier cette approche. Dirigée par l’amiral Decoux, l’Indochine vit à l’heure de la Révolution nationale métropolitaine. Fidèle exécutante du projet métropolitain de « régénérescence » nationale, l’Indochine sous Vichy se construit une identité fédérale sous autorité française et poursuit la construction d’une multitude d’identités nationales locales. Mais le contexte de la guerre donne à ce projet un but également utilitaire, à savoir conserver la fidélité des populations indochinoises face à l’irrédentisme siamois et les prétentions impérialistes japonaises. Embrigadant les populations, réprimant les opposants indochinois, mais aussi français, vantant un programme à la fois culturel, racial, scolaire, l’Indochine devient la fille fidèle du régime métropolitain. Cette comparaison peut également s’étendre par sa relation compliquée et conflictuelle avec un occupant japonais qui exerce sur la péninsule un contrôle et des pressions multiformes donnant lieu à une collaboration peu connue. Néanmoins, l’évolution du conflit, la promotion d’identités locales exclusives et les refus français de dépasser un cadre colonial aboutissent à l’émergence des premières fractures et à l’implosion de l’Indochine française. / Between 1930 and 1945, Indochina underwent upheavals leading to a profound reorganization of French colonial policy centred on an innovative project of identites. However, the Second World War and the arrival of the Vichy regime contributed to modifying this approach. Managed by admiral Decoux, Indochina was in step with the metropolitan national Revolution. Faithful performer of the metropolitan project of national " régénérescence ", Indochina under Vichy built itself a federal identity under French authority and pursued the construction of a multitude of local national identities. But the context of the war also gave this project a utilitarian purpose, namely preserving the loyalty of the Indochinese populations opposite the Siamese irredentism and to Japanese imperialist claims. Recruiting populations, repressing Indochinese opponents. It also saw the French, praise the elaborate a cultural, racial, and school program. Indochina thereby became the faithful daughter of the metropolitan Pétainist regime. This comparison can also be extended by its complicated and conflicting relation with a Japanese occupant who exercised control and multiform pressures on the peninsula, thus giving rise to a little known collaboration. Nevertheless, the evolution of the conflict, the promotion of exclusive local identities and the French refusals to exceed colonial limits resulted in the emergence of the first fractures that would lead to the implosion of French Indochina.

Découlant des conflits qui ont opposé France et Siam à la fin du XIXe siècle pour le contrôle du Laos et du Cambodge, la crise franco-thaïlandaise de l’hiver 1940-1941 est le résultat d’un processus politique initié en 1932 et porté par les militaires nationalistes siamois au pouvoir. Influencés par le fascisme, ces derniers diffusent une propagande entretenant la nostalgie des « territoires perdus » et forgent, tout au long des années 1930, des forces armées formatées pour une guerre de revanche contre les puissances coloniales. Confrontée à partir de l’armistice de juin 1940 à l’isolement de la colonie dont elle assure la sécurité intérieure, l’armée d’Indochine est la première troupe coloniale française qui fait face à l’invasion d’un territoire de l’empire par une armée régulière. La Thaïlande s’appuie aussi sur des mouvements indépendantistes régionaux et la fidélité relative des dynasties locales envers la France afin de déstabiliser l’Union indochinoise, en même temps que la tournure des combats fragilise la position du colonisateur aux yeux de ses administrés. Position rendue encore plus précaire par la diplomatie du Japon qui impose sa médiation pour remplir ses propres objectifs politico-militaires. Par le biais d’une analyse exhaustive des archives militaires françaises et de celles du gouvernement général d’Indochine, ainsi que de correspondances privées de généraux et de la presse, nous verrons l’adaptabilité et les capacités de projection des troupes du groupe de l’Indochine, la difficulté pour celles-ci de mener une guerre sur des territoires, et les conséquences régionales et mondiales de ce conflit frontalier indissociable de la guerre d’Asie-Pacifique / The Franco-Thai crisis of the winter 1940-1941, resulting from the conflicts that brought into opposition France and Siam because of the control of Laos and Cambodia in the late nineteenth century, was the consequence of a political process initiated in 1932 and supported by the Siamese military nationalists in power. Influenced by the fascism, they dissiminated a propaganda that maintained the nostalgia of the "lost territories". They equally forged throughout the 1930s the armed forces prepared for a revenge war against the colonial powers. Facing the colony’s isolation starting from the armistice of June 1940 and being in charge of the colony’s internal security, the Indochinese army was the first French colonial troop coping with the invasion of the empire’s territory by a regular army. Thailand was also based on the regional independence movements and relative loyalty of the local dynasties to France in order to destabilize the Indochinese Union. At the same time, the turn of the combats weakened the colonizer’s position in the eyes of the citizens. This position was made even more precarious by the Japanese diplomacy which imposed its mediation in order to fulfill its political and military objectives. Through an exhaustive analysis of the French military archives, the Indochinese general government’s archives, the generals’ private correspondence and the press, we will see the adaptability and projection capacities of the Indochinese troops, their difficulty to wage war on the territories, as well as regional and global consequences of this border conflict that is inseparable from the Asia-Pacific war

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