Submitted by Karina Rodrigues (karinafrodrigues@gmail.com) on 2017-08-24T15:29:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Karina Rodrigues - Dissertation.pdf: 2879687 bytes, checksum: 26c60aad6faa17f2fdde611c63e557f1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2017-09-12T18:51:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Karina Rodrigues - Dissertation.pdf: 2879687 bytes, checksum: 26c60aad6faa17f2fdde611c63e557f1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-26T19:00:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karina Rodrigues - Dissertation.pdf: 2879687 bytes, checksum: 26c60aad6faa17f2fdde611c63e557f1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-30 / What were the conditions that generated change in the civilian access to military records in Brazil and Mexico? Through these case studies, this dissertation explores in depth how these changes occurred and what were the strategies used by change-agents to promote or refute change. The study presents a discussion about the concept of transparency and how it can be properly applied to restricted documents of the armed forces, using the literature on concept formation. In addition, the theory of Gradual Institutional Changes and process tracing methods in order to undertake the historical analyzes of both cases. In both case studies, I concomitantly analyze the course of civil-military relations and transparency reforms in the XX Century and the beginning of the XXI Century. The study concludes that the changes in Brazil followed a layering pattern predominantly, with a long period of gradual reforms from 1988 to 2011. Mexico in turn presented the same mode of institutional change, nevertheless, political hegemony and the cooptation model of civil-military relations of the country leaded it to less, but more drastic changes. Both countries present many challenges to transparency in defense, which is addressed in the final conclusions. / Quais foram as condições políticas que desencadearam mudanças no acesso de civis a documentos e arquivos militares no Brasil e no México? Através destes estudos de caso, este estudo se propõe explorar com profundidade como estas mudanças ocorreram e quais foram as estratégias utilizadas pelos atores para promover mudança ou preservar o status quo. A tese apresenta discussão sobre o conceito de transparência e como pode ser aplicado às forças armadas, utilizando-se de literatura focada na formação de conceitos. Além disto, utilizou-se da teoria de Mudanças Institucionais Graduais e o método do process tracing para análise histórica dos casos do Brasil e México. Em ambos os estudos de caso, analisou-se a trajetória das relações civis-militares conjuntamente às reformas em transparência durante todo o século XX e início do século XXI. O estudo concluiu que as mudanças no Brasil foram predominantemente no formato de camadas (layering), com um longo percurso de reformas graduais desde 1988 até a aprovação da Lei de Acesso à Informação em 2011. Já no México, o tipo de mudança predominante também foi no formato de camadas, contudo, a hegemonia política e o modelo de cooptação das forças armadas pelos governos levaram o país a ter menos mudanças, porém mais profundas. Ambos países enfrentam muitos desafios à transparência em defesa, o que é explorado nas conclusões finais. / ¿Cuáles fueron las condiciones políticas que desencadenaron cambios en el acceso de civiles a documentos y archivos militares en Brasil y México? A través de estos estudios de caso, este estudio se propone explorar con profundidad cómo estos cambios ocurrieron y cuáles fueron las estrategias utilizadas por los actores para promover cambios o preservar el status quo. La tesis presenta una discusión sobre el concepto de transparencia y cómo puede ser aplicado a las fuerzas armadas, utilizando la literatura enfocada en la formación de conceptos. Además, se utilizó la teoría de cambios institucionales graduales y el método del process tracing para el análisis histórico de los casos de Brasil y México. En ambos estudios de caso, se analizó la trayectoria de las relaciones cívico-militares conjuntamente con las reformas en transparencia durante todo el siglo XX e inicio del siglo XXI. El estudio concluyó que los cambios en Brasil fueron predominantemente en el formato de capas, con un largo recorrido de reformas graduales desde 1988 hasta la aprobación de la Ley de Acceso a la Información en 2011. Ya en México, el tipo de cambio predominante también fue en el formato de capas, sin embargo, la hegemonía política y el modelo de cooptación de las fuerzas armadas por los gobiernos llevaron al país a tener menos cambios, pero más profundos. Ambos países enfrentan muchos desafíos a la transparencia en defensa, lo que se explora en las conclusiones finales.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3263.pdf: 1545569 bytes, checksum: 12fb26acd01a0a3a0f9a6f2c881577b3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-17 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / This research aims to analyze the institutional changes in labor law and in the Labor Justice courts after the Constitution of 1988. It focuses on the uniform decisions of the Superior Labor Court (TST), as well as the political dynamic between this court and the other powers and actors invested in the institution. We carried out a study of the jurisprudence of the court in individual conflicts, and conducted interviews with relevant actors to achieve this goal. Those interviewed include ministers of the TST, judges of the Labor Judges National Association, lawyers of the judicial advisory boards of the main national trade union centers, and law firms representing businesses and financial corporations. We concluded that the Labor Judiciary Power has been the leader in reforms of the institution itself, in addition to labor law in Brazil, and that it has conferred asymmetric powers to social actors in this process. Moreover, we indicate the limits of this leadership in our legislative model of labor relations. / Esta pesquisa visa a analisar as mudanças institucionais do direito do trabalho e da Justiça do Trabalho após a Constituição de 1988, focando nas decisões uniformes do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho (TST) e na dinâmica política entre o tribunal e os demais poderes e atores investidos na instituição. Para tanto, realizamos estudo da jurisprudência desta Corte sobre dissídios individuais e conduzimos entrevistas com atores relevantes. Tais entrevistas incluíram ministros do TST, juízes da Associação Nacional dos Magistrados do Trabalho, advogados da assessoria jurídica das principais centrais sindicais e de grandes escritórios de advocacia empresarial trabalhista. Concluímos que o Judiciário Trabalhista tem protagonizado as reformas na própria instituição e no direito do trabalho no Brasil, conferindo assimetrias de poder a atores sociais nesse processo político. Ainda, apontamos os limites desse protagonismo dentro do nosso modelo legislado de relações de trabalho.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / To understand the development and the functioning of the carried out Processes of continued education in Schools of Basic Education (EEB) seems to be undelayable investment of teachers in professional exercise qualification and point out conditions to put changes into effect in their pedagogical practices. Our research, accomplished in the years 2005 and 2006, sought to find answers for the following problem: Which aspects characterize and which ones work as condition to the elaboration and accomplishment process of continued education of teachers in the Schools of Basic Education of Santa Maria and which relations are established between these aspects? It is a qualitative research that involved as research space, 4 schools of Basic Education of the Public Net of the Santa Maria city. We used as sources of information, the formative meeting carried out in these schools, besides the discourse of 50 persons who constructed our real sample of research, they are: four professional responsible for planning and developing the actions of continued education of the 4 investigated EEB; 38 teachers who had participated in the carried out formative meeting in the schools; 8 professionals invited to carry out the formative meetings with the teachers. We used as an instrument, to collect information, participated observations, collective and individuals interviews and scripts. We identified some aspects of the meetings organization and functioning which have limited the education to be a moment of these teachers collective production. We pointed out that continued education has been organized, in general, independent of the teachers and school s needs and difficulties. The teachers have a minimal participation on the decisions concerning the processes offered to them. Normally, the teacher trainers do not have knowledge about school contexts and about the teachers for which they carry out the meeting. The teachers, in turn, believe that the solution for their problems is in knowledge produced outside of the school space, mainly in the academy; therefore, they attribute to the teacher trainers the capacity to solve all the problems and difficulties faced by them. We conclude that, to occur significant changes in these processes, it is necessary to analyze the teacher trainers profile, in the construction of activities that give conditions, in the formative meetings, to teachers construct new knowledge, in the approach of the knowledge dealt with each school and its peculiarities, as well as, in the inclusion of studies on the continued education in order to the teachers adopt more independent and conscientious attitudes concerning their processes of professional development. / Compreender o desenvolvimento e o funcionamento dos Processos de Formação Continuada realizados em Escolas de Educação Básica (EEB) parece ser um investimento inadiável para que se possa avançar na melhoria da qualificação dos professores em exercício e apontar condicionantes para a efetivação de mudanças nas práticas pedagógicas. Nossa pesquisa, realizada nos anos de 2005 e 2006, procurou encontrar respostas para o seguinte problema: Que aspectos caracterizam e que aspectos condicionam a elaboração e a realização dos processos de formação continuada de professores nas Escolas de Educação Básica de santa Maria e quais relações se estabelecem entre estes aspectos? Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa que envolveu como espaço de pesquisa, 4 escolas de Educação Básica da Rede Pública do Município de Santa Maria. Utilizamos, como fontes de informações, os encontros formativos realizados nestas escolas, além das falas dos 50 sujeitos que construíram nossa amostra real de pesquisa, a saber: 4 profissionais responsáveis pelo planejamento e desenvolvimento das ações de formação continuada das EEB investigadas; 38 professores que participaram dos encontros formativos realizados nas escolas; 8 profissionais convidados para realizarem os encontros formativos com os professores. Utilizamos, como instrumentos de coleta de informações, observações participadas, entrevistas coletivas, entrevistas individuais e roteiros. Identificamos aspectos, da organização e do funcionamento dos encontros, limitadores para que a formação se configure em um espaço de produção coletiva pelos professores. Constatamos que a formação continuada é organizada de forma independente das necessidades e das dificuldades dos professores e da escola de uma forma geral. Os professores pouco participam das decisões acerca dos processos a eles oferecidos. Normalmente os formadores não têm conhecimento dos contextos escolares e dos professores para os quais realizam os encontros. Os professores, por sua vez, acreditam que a solução para seus problemas está em conhecimentos produzidos fora do espaço escolar, principalmente na academia, por isso atribuem aos formadores a capacidade de resolver todos os problemas e dificuldades por eles enfrentadas. Concluímos que, para ocorrerem mudanças significativas nestes processos há de se começar pelo perfil dos formadores, na construção de atividades que potencializem os encontros formativos para a construção de novos conhecimentos pelos professores, na aproximação dos conhecimentos tratados com cada escola e suas especificidades, assim como, na inclusão de estudos sobre a formação continuada a fim de que os professores adotem atitudes mais autônomas e conscientes acerca de seus processos de desenvolvimento profissional.

Esta tese discute o entrelaçamento de três áreas de políticas sociais assistência social, segurança alimentar e nutricional e programas de transferência de renda na construção recente do Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome (MDS), no campo do desenvolvimento social brasileiro pós-Constituição Federal de 1988 (CF 88). Analiso como essas áreas e suas trajetórias se combinaram, interpenetraram e acabaram se reunindo sob o mesmo locus institucional ministerial e trouxeram à tona uma rediscussão sobre projetos de desenvolvimento social. Debati a suposição de que a criação do MDS teria propiciado o entrelaçamento de políticas estabelecendo um padrão de gerenciamento articulado com um projeto político de desenvolvimento social reconhecível, de tipo protetor e voltado à mitigação das condições de precariedade de vida da população. Adotei uma perspectiva longitudinal e o método de process tracing (COLLIER, 2011) na discussão das ocorrências e sua avaliação como evidências. Entendi que a criação e as mudanças institucionais são processos que passam por diferentes caminhos: da persistência de padrões com acréscimos incrementais até extinções e momentos ruptivos. No decurso argumentativo, examinei o desenvolvimento institucional das três áreas em estudo, discuti os caminhos paralelos de construção, suas sequências diferentes e condições que apresentaram quando se chegou à reconfiguração organizacional decorrente da criação do ministério de desenvolvimento social e combate à fome, em 2004. O MDS adquiriu um nível aceitável de autoridade para coordenação de planos e programas prioritários, dependente da agenda do executivo, e isso contribuiu para incentivos à integração, mesmo que apenas no plano normativo. Essa despretensiosa unificação acabou criando um corpo de coordenação diferenciado para conduzir a agenda social dos últimos governos. Assim, o MDS estruturou o espaço de rede de proteção no brasil, com primazia do estado, seja na mitigação de condições precárias de certos segmentos populacionais, seja no fortalecimento de serviços básicos na garantia de direitos. A cooperação entre as instâncias governamentais não se constitui em característica própria do funcionamento do aparelho estatal moderno, o que torna o entrelaçamento de políticas, apesar de um consenso discursivo, um processo inabitual/ incomum que requer maior esforço de articulação. / This dissertation discusses three intertwining areas of social policy social Assistance, food security, and income transfer programs in relation to the recently formed Ministry of Social Development and Fight against Hunger (MDS) in Brazils post-democratization period (1988-present). I analyze how these social policy programs combined, interpenetrated, and ultimately coalesced under the same ministerial institutional locus, bringing forth a renewed discussion on social development. I started the research with the assumption that the creation of the MDS would have promoted hybridization of the policies, thus establishing a consolidated management system with a recognizable social development project united in its focus on improving living conditions for the most precarious sectors of the population. The assumption was based on the idea that the merging of the institutional locus for social policies could increase their interdependence, open new possibilities for working together, require negotiation of existing resources and priorities, and thereby result in institutional changes for all three policy areas. I adopted a longitudinal perspective and the process tracing method (COLLIER, 2011) for events and their evaluation as evidence. I conceptualized the creation and evolution of institutions as processes that may follow different paths: from persistence of patterns with incremental additions to extinctions and ruptures. My findings challenge the prevailing literature that suggests that cooperation between government bodies is rarely observed in the modern state apparatus. The conditions under which disparate policy domains are interwoven was in need of greater scholarly attention. My findings show that the MDS acquired enough legitimacy to coordinate once-atomized plans and priority programs that aligned with the executive agenda. This authority contributed to the incentive to integrate, even if only in normative terms. This unification created a distinctive coordination body for recent administrations social agendas. Thus, through the actions of a strong and integrating state, the MDS strengthened the social safety net in Brazil, mitigating hardships for the most precarious segments of the population, and improving access to basic services as rights.

Malgré la déliquescence du nationalisme afrikaner causée par la chute du régime de l’apartheid et la prise du pouvoir politique par un parti non raciste et non ethnique en 1994, nous observons depuis les années 2000, un renouvèlement du mouvement identitaire afrikaner. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc de comprendre l’émergence de ce nouvel activisme ethnique depuis la transition démocratique. Pour approfondir notre compréhension du phénomène, nous nous posons les questions suivantes : comment pouvons-nous expliquer le renouvèlement de l’activisme afrikaner dans la « nouvelle » Afrique du Sud ? Comment sont définis les nouveaux attributs de la catégorie de l’afrikanerité ? Comment les élites ethnopolitiques restructurent-elles leurs stratégies pour assurer la pérennité de la catégorie dans l’Afrique du Sud post-apartheid ? Qu’est-ce que la résurgence d’une afrikanerité renouvelée nous apprend sur l’état de la cohésion sociale en Afrique du Sud et sur la mobilisation ethnolinguistique en général ? La littérature sur le mouvement post-apartheid fait consensus sur la disparition du nationalisme afrikaner raciste, mais offre peu d’analyses empiriques et de liens avec les nombreux écrits sur le mouvement nationaliste afrikaner pour comprendre les dynamiques de ce nouveau phénomène et effectue peu de liens avec les nombreux écrits sur le mouvement nationaliste afrikaner. Notre argument est que le nouvel activisme afrikaner est en continuité avec la trajectoire du nationalisme afrikaner, plus précisément avec le courant conservateur. Les entrepreneurs ethnopolitiques suivent les voies tracées par leurs prédécesseurs en reproduisant des stratégies politiques, institutionnelles ainsi qu’une structure idéologique dont les fondements sont semblables à ceux du mouvement nationaliste. Les entrepreneurs ethnopolitiques structurent l’activisme afrikaner selon trois processus. D’abord, ils procèdent au cadrage des nouveaux attributs de la catégorie en faisant notamment de l’autosuffisance communautaire, le cœur de l’afrikanerité. Ensuite, ils essayent d’institutionnaliser une nouvelle catégorie identitaire, qu’ils appellent les minorités discrimines raciales et ethniques. Ce processus de group-making vise à susciter une action collective déployée autant au niveau national qu’international, pour exercer une pression sur le gouvernement de l’ANC, accusée de discriminer les Afrikaners. Enfin, les entrepreneurs ethnopolitiques mettent sur pied un réseau d’organisations ethniques pour assurer la reproduction de l’afrikanerité et assurer la survie ethnique. Ces niches écologiques permettent de se substituer à l’État en offrant aux membres de la communauté des services et en créant des espaces réservés à la routinisation de l’afrikanerité. / The thesis aims at understanding the restructuration processes of the Afrikaner movement following the South African democratic transition. Despite the collapse of Afrikaner nationalism caused by the end of the apartheid regime and the seizure of political power by a non-racist and non-ethnic party in 1994, we have seen a renewal of the Afrikaner identity movement since the 2000s. The aim of this thesis is therefore to understand the emergence of this new ethnic activism since the democratic transition. To deepen our understanding of the phenomenon, we ask the following questions: how can we explain the renewal of Afrikaner activism in the « new » South Africa? How are the new attributes of the Afrikaner category redefined? How do the ethnopolitical elites restructure their strategies to ensure the reproduction of the category within the new national context? What does the resurgence of a renewed Afrikanerity tell us about the state of social cohesion in South Africa and the ethnolinguistic mobilization in general? The literature on the post apartheid movement makes consensus on the death of the racist Afrikaner nationalism but offers little empirical analysis to understand the dynamics of this new phenomenon and the links with the many writings on Afrikaner nationalism are not made. To remedy these empirical shortcomings, our argument is that the new Afrikaner activism is in continuity with the trajectory of Afrikaner nationalism, more precisely with the conservative current. Ethnopolitical entrepreneurs follow the paths traced by their predecessors by reproducing political and institutional strategies as well as an ideological structure whose foundations are similar to those of the nationalist movement. However, continuity means that institutions must adapt to changing contexts in order to persist over time. In our case, the democratic transition has paved the way for institutional adaptation processes and historical awakening. Afrikaner activism is restructured through three processes. Ethnopolitical entrepreneurs are engaged in a framing process of the new attributes of the category in which community self-sufficiency is defined as the heart of Afrikanerity. Then, these elites try to institutionalize a new category as the new foundation of the political action of the movement. This is how ethno-political entrepreneurs mobilize what they call discriminated racial and ethnic minorities. This group-making process aims to stimulate collective action by depicting a frame of injustice to prove that Afrikaners are discriminated against by the government. This political strategy is deployed both nationally and internationally to exert pressure on the ANC government. Finally, ethnopolitical entrepreneurs have set up a network of ethnic organizations to ensure the reproduction of Afrikanerity and ensure ethnic survival. These ecological niches make it possible to replace the State by offering the members of the community services and by creating spaces for the routinization of Afrikanerity.

Establishment of a policy linkage between particular outspoken societal needs and their realisation via the body political is critical for recently democratised polities. In Lithuania, a former Soviet bloc country undergoing a complex transition, an urge from various societal groups for successful and adequate policies exemplify the importance of this linkage. The study inquires into its establishment during the transition from the Soviet to the EU by exploring collective action to assist Lithuanian SMEs -a new group of economic actors -with their transition period needs. Policy linkage is operationalised in terms of successful and adequate policies. Methodologically, the study examines the usefulness of bottom-up approach to policy organising for revealing policy process in the transition context. Theoretically, the study tests the explanatory power of the major bottom-up assumptions regarding the preconditions for policy linkage in the Lithuanian transition. Especially the role of the government and formal politicaladministrative institutions is explored. The study findings indicate very limited government, EU and mandated actors’ success in organising adequate SME assistance policies. Ad hoc collective actions with mixed types of actors and alternative structurations were found to frequently supplement for the policy linkage. Useful explanations to this were provided by the employed context, structural and behavioural factors. Active selforganising of policy receivers was a precondition significantly increasing the adequacy of the collective assistance action. Also adherence to the rule of law principles in policy process should not be undermined to increase chances of policy adequacy. Especially a combination of behavioural factors characteristic of social capital in the localities studied was found important to consider further. Policy learning is yet underestimated as a factor structuring policy action and enabling policy linkage. Lack of policy structures has implications for policy learning. The study also proposes policy adequacy as a complimentary indicator of transition success.

Les jeunes (15 à 29 ans) sont particulièrement vulnérables aux chocs économiques et la capacité à intégrer le marché du travail est une étape importante influençant leur bien-être à long terme. La crise financière de 2007-08 a donc eu des effets importants sur eux. En réponse, les États capitalistes avancés ont adopté une série de politiques pour aider les jeunes. Pourtant, malgré ces nouvelles politiques, les dépenses publiques pour le marché du travail n’ont pas augmenté de manière stable lors de la période. Les analyses récentes semblent confirmer qu’au lieu d’investir dans les programmes plus dispendieux, les États adoptent des politiques axées sur une rhétorique de droits et de responsabilités. En effet, selon certains chercheurs, les États ont adopté des politiques qui créent des incitatifs pour joindre le marché du travail au lieu d’investir dans le capital humain. La recherche actuelle appuie l'argumentaire que les États-providence convergent autour de politiques de faible coût. Nonobstant les pressions pour le changement, les États ont différents besoins. Ainsi, il reste improbable qu’ils adoptent les mêmes solutions. Aucune analyse récente n’a étudié les politiques d’emploi des jeunes adoptées depuis la crise financière. Cette thèse pose alors la question, comment est-ce que les États-providence ont modifié leurs politiques de transition depuis la crise financière? La thèse répond à cette question à partir de trois cadres analytiques du changement politique. Ces cadres sont appliqués à trois études de cas : le Danemark, la France et le Royaume-Uni. Afin de pleinement considérer ces politiques dans toute leur complexité, cette thèse se sert d'une typologie des incitatifs d'activation pour comparer des mélanges d'instruments entre gouvernements. Une fois les mélanges d'incitatifs déterminés, une analyse de process-tracing détermine comment les États ont modifié leurs politiques de transition depuis la crise financière. Ces recherches nous permettent de constater que ces trois pays ont adopté de nouvelles politiques pour l’emploi des jeunes depuis la crise financière. Dans chaque étude de cas, les États ont adopté des politiques qui perpétuent la logique d’action dominante. Or, chaque étude de cas a aussi adopté des politiques qui dévient de la logique d’action dominante. Ces changements sont expliqués à l'aide de trois cadres théoriques, l'apprentissage, les ressources et l'institutionnalisme historique. Cette recherche contribue à la littérature de l'État-providence en outrepassant la littérature existante et donnant un rapport détaillé des politiques d'activation pour les jeunes et de leur adoption depuis la crise financière. / Youth (15 to 29-year-olds) are vulnerable to economic shocks, and the ability to enter the labour market has significant effects on their long-term wellbeing. Consequently, the 2007-08 financial crisis had the potential to affect youth gravely, which is why welfare states adopted a series of policy initiatives to help youth in the post-crisis. Although countries adopted policies, traditional data such as labour market policy expenditures do not reveal increased spending consistent with higher unemployment levels. Research also shows welfare states have favoured policies that reinforce incentives to join the labour market and help individuals market their skills over more expensive policies that invest in human capital since the financial crisis. These analyses support the argument welfare states are converging around low-cost policies. These pressures notwithstanding, the adoption of similar policies is unusual because the needs between countries remain diverse. For that reason, and despite the factors inhibiting change, countries should not be adopting the same policies to respond to high youth unemployment. This dissertation investigates this complex policy environment by using a typology of activation incentives to compare policy instrument mixes between governments. Process-tracing is then used to determine how welfare states modified their youth employment policies since the financial crisis. First, qualitative data is used to identify the different policy mixes adopted in each case. Second, the policymaking process is analyzed using process-tracing methods. Research findings indicate all three cases, Denmark, France, and the United Kingdom, adopted new youth policies after the financial crisis. In addition to funding policies that continue typical logics found in each country, evidence shows each case adopted policies that deviate from established logics. These results are explained using three theoretical frameworks to identify mechanisms for change: policy learning, power resources and historical institutionalism. For each case, the dissertation outlines how these factors interacted to affect the policymaking process. This research contributes to welfare state literature by going beyond existing quantitative analysis to provide an in-depth account of youth activation policies and the policymaking process in the post-crisis.

Au cours des six dernières décennies, la Chine a connu un passage d’une économie planifiée à une économie de marché. Durant la même période, un changement profond a eu lieu dans les instruments et la mise en œuvre de la politique monétaire. Cependant, jusqu’à présent, la politique monétaire chinoise se distingue considérablement de celui des économies de marché développées. Durant la période de l’économie planifiée, la Chine a adopté le système de la banque unique et le système de gestion des crédits hautement centralisée. Ces systèmes permettait à la Banque populaire de Chine (la BPC) de contrôler directement le volume d’émission de liquidités et les transferts bancaires par le plan de liquidités et le plan de crédit afin d’ajuster les agrégats monétaires. Durant la période de la transition économique, la Chine a progressivement abandonné son système de la banque unique. Néanmoins, la BPC n’était pas encore une banque centrale véritablement indépendante, parce qu’elle conservait une partie de ses opérations de financement direct à l’appui du développement des agents non-financiers. Même si la BPC a commencé à employer les leviers indirects pour ajuster la dynamique monétaire, elle a continué à mettre en œuvre les instruments d’ajustement direct. En 1994, année où la Chine a entamé des réformes économiques plus importantes, a été établi un système de la banque centrale véritablement indépendant, qui a ensuite été amélioré en 1998. La BPC a exercé, de façon exclusive, les fonctions d’une banque centrale et a mis en œuvre sa politique monétaire principalement à travers des instruments d’ajustement indirect. Cependant, la BPC n’a pas totalement abandonné l’usage du contrôle administratif direct sur les agrégats de crédits. L’autorité monétaire chinoise renforce progressivement le contrôle des activités du système bancaire parallèle, la centralisation de la politique monétaire et son efficacité depuis 2014, par peur de la hausse du levier financier et de l’endettement élevé. / Over the past six decades, China has experienced an institutional change from a planned to a market economy. During the same period, an in-depth change in the instruments and implementation of China’s monetary policy has occurred. However, until now, China’s monetary policy retains considerable differences compared with that of developed market economies. During the planned economy period, China adopted a mono-banking system and a highly centralized credit management system. Under a mono-banking system, the People’s Bank of China (PBC) could directly control the issuance volumes of cash and bank transfers by means of the cash plan and the credit plan to adjust monetary aggregates. During the economic transition period, China gradually abandoned the mono-banking system. However, the PBC still did not become a truly independent central bank because it retained part of its direct financing operations in support of non-financial agents’ development. Although the PBC began to employ indirect levers to adjust monetary dynamics, it continued to implement the monetary policy principally by means of direct adjustment instruments. Since China’s accession into wider economic reforms in 1994, a truly independent central banking system was established and eventually improved in 1998. The PBC has exclusively exercised the functions of a central bank and implemented its monetary policy principally by means of indirect adjustment instruments; however, it did not fully abandon the use of direct administrative controls over credit aggregates. Out of fear for rising financial leverage and high indebtedness (in particular of non-financial corporations), since 2014 China’s monetary authority gradually enhanced the monitoring of shadow banking activities, and thereby the centralization and effectiveness of monetary policy.

This diploma thesis focuses on changes in the system of sickness insurance in the Czech Republic since 2009. Based on the analysis of the development of social security in the context of neoliberal capitalism and economic globalization, the aim of the thesis was to reflect the ideological and factual basis and the legitimacy of the institutional change in the sphere of sickness insurance in connection with adoption of Act No. 187/2006 Coll., On sickness insurance and the discovery of socio-economic consequences of these changes. The theoretical basis of this thesis has been the institutional change in the sphere of sickness and the (non) legitimacy of the policy in this sphere of public finance reforms. Other theories have included the relationship of economic and social policy that they have been closely related to the theory of social state. The social state has been the beginning of the subject of aging, globalization and the recession of economic development in the last decades. In the empirical part of the thesis, with the use of the method of institutional analysis, critical discursive analyzes and interviews, the sphere of sickness insurance was examined in connection with the connection with the adoption of Act No. 187/2006 Coll., On sickness insurance and the socio-economic implications of...

The diploma thesis "Czech Healthcare Policy after 2010 in the Context of Heger's Reform", deals with the significant institutional change that was implemented in Czech healthcare law during the right-wing government, which claimed its reforms were necessary in order to balance the budget. The aim of this work is to analyze the development of Czech healthcare policy in the period 2010-2013 with respect to the case of Heger's reform. This thesis uses different methods of analyzing the political process, for example methods of institutional analysis, critical discourse analysis, and other methods. The main theoretical basis of this work consists of a social critique of the neoliberal approach to Czech health care policy, and of a study of healthcare systems, their functions and goals, and a study of health policy and its changes. Attention is paid especially to the context of human rights related to health and the international discourse. This thesis identifies the arguments of neoliberal ideology in the policy-making of Czech healthcare policy makers in the process of justifying reforms. It evaluates the legitimacy of reform changes that don't accept the opinion of the public and don't respond to the international discourse, and investigates how the reform introduces new legal terminology which...