This thesis explores continuity and change in the developmental welfare approach in Thailand following the 1997 Asian financial crisis. It examines both the exogenous and endogenous forces that generated change as well as both the ‘process’ and the ‘content’ of transformation or responses to the crisis. It uses the One Tambon One Product (OTOP) policy as a case study to explore these changes. The principle research question is: To what extent did the post 1997 crisis policy on social protection in Thailand represent a shift from its existing institutional path of developmental welfarism? Extending from this overarching question are subsidiary questions, which guided the thesis. They include: To what extent did the OTOP policy address the social protection gaps that became apparent in the Asian financial crisis? To what extent did the OTOP policy benefit its target population? The thesis uses historical institutionalism (HI) and the role of ideas as the analytic frameworks in analyzing change. The thesis argues that the exogenous shock of the 1997 financial crisis contributed to some departure from the institutional path of developmental welfarism in Thailand. However, the change did not follow the conventional punctuated equilibrium (PE) model under the HI framework in the sense of moving from one equilibrium to another after an exogenous shock. Rather, the radical change that took place after the exogenous shock was gradual. The new set of institutional arrangement prompted significant ideational and institutional transformations. They involved both intended and unintended consequences of incremental shifts in the forms of ‘layering’ ‘drift’ and ‘conversion’ (Streeck and Thelen, 2005). In addition, the thesis argues that the transformation in Thailand after the 1997 financial crisis lies in an intermediate order of change that is found between shifts in policy instrument and a wholesale ‘paradigm shift’ (Hall, 1993). Here, apart from having introduced a new policy such as OTOP, the Thai government engaged in a broader rethinking of Thailand’s developmental welfare path. Moreover, the study finds that the structure of economic development in a developing country context can both promote and impede social protection, rather than only subordinate the latter. The claim is based on the finding that the expansion of economic policy goals in Thailand supported local development and increasing inclusiveness of the informal sector after the 1997 financial crisis. Finally, the thesis argues that social protection delivery or lack thereof reflects contestation of ideas as well as material interests. Both the state and the policy beneficiaries in the OTOP context pushed for their interests when there were gaps between policy formulation and implementation. As a result, changes occurred both in the policy goals and in who benefited from OTOP.

Notre étude porte sur la manière dont les chercheurs universitaires junior et senior en sciences sociales au Québec établissent leurs réseaux de cosignataires et donnent une interprétation discursive à leurs activités de collaboration face à l'impact du changement institutionnel universitaire pendant la période 1990-2009. Plus spécifiquement, notre recherche s'intéresse à montrer que la création des réseaux et la collaboration scientifique par cosignature peuvent être identifiées comme des « ajustements professionnels » et se présenter aussi comme une ressource du capital social qui peut être mobilisé et qui peut produire des avantages aux chercheurs en accord avec leur statut junior ou senior. Il s’agit donc d’une recherche qui relève de la sociologie des sciences. Notre approche a été opérationnalisée à partir de l'étude de 15 membres d'un centre de recherche universitaire au Québec, et leur réseau de 447 cosignataires (y compris les chercheurs de l'étude), et à travers l'application de 7 entretiens auprès de chercheurs junior et senior du même centre. Dans le même plan opérationnel, depuis une perspective qualitative, la thèse permet d'identifier le sens discursif que les chercheurs fournissent à la collaboration et à la participation en réseaux de cosignatures. Ensuite, depuis l'analyse structurelle des réseaux, notre étude montre les connexions individuelles et leurs formes d'interprétation — spécialement la théorie des graphes et ses mesures de centralité (la centralité de degré, la centralité d’intermédiarité et la centralité de vecteur propre) — de même que l'homophilie par statut entre chercheurs. Enfin, depuis l'analyse statistique, elle montre la corrélation des périodes de l'étude et des attributs socioprofessionnels des chercheurs étudiés (sexe, statut universitaire, affiliation institutionnelle, discipline d’appartenance, pays, région du Canada et ville de travail). Notamment, les résultats de notre thèse montrent que chaque catégorie de chercheurs possède ses propres particularités structurelles et discursives en ce qui a trait à ses pratiques de collaboration en réseau, et vont confirmer que les chercheurs senior, plus que les chercheurs junior, grâce à leur capital social mobilisé, ont conservé et obtenu plus d'avantages de leur réseau de cosignataires afin de s'adapter au changement institutionnel et mieux gérer leur travail de collaboration destiné à l’espace international, mais surtout à l'espace local. / Our study focuses on how the junior and senior social sciences researchers in Quebec establish their networks of co-authorships and form their discursive interpretation of their collaborative activities face to the impact of the university institutional change during the period 1990-2009. Notably, our research shows that the creation of networks and scientific collaboration by co-authorship can be identified as "professional adjustments". These "professional adjustments" represent a resource of social capital that can be mobilized and that may produce benefits for the researchers. Therefore our research is related to the sociology of sciences. This approach was operationalized by the study of 15 members of a University research center in the province of Quebec, and their network of 447 co-authors (including the researchers of the study), and through the application of 7 interviews with junior and senior researchers from the center. From a qualitative perspective, our study identifies the discursive meaning provided by the researchers about their collaboration and participation in co-authorship networks. On the other hand, the structural analysis of networks shows the individual connections and forms of interpretation - especially the graph theory and its measures of centrality (the degree centrality, the betweenness centrality and the eigenvector centrality) - as well as the homophilic degree among researchers. Finally, our statistical analysis shows the correlation of study periods and socio-professional characteristics of the researchers studied (gender, academic status, institutional affiliation, discipline, countries, regions of Canada and city where the researchers work). In particular, our results show that each research category has its own structural and discursive features regarding its networks and its collaboration practices. These findings confirm that the senior researchers retained and obtained more benefits from their co-authorship network than their junior peers, through the mobilization of their social capital, which allow them as well, to better adapt themselves to the institutional change and to manage more effectively their collaborative work at the international, but especially at the local arenas.

Esta tese discute o entrelaçamento de três áreas de políticas sociais assistência social, segurança alimentar e nutricional e programas de transferência de renda na construção recente do Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome (MDS), no campo do desenvolvimento social brasileiro pós-Constituição Federal de 1988 (CF 88). Analiso como essas áreas e suas trajetórias se combinaram, interpenetraram e acabaram se reunindo sob o mesmo locus institucional ministerial e trouxeram à tona uma rediscussão sobre projetos de desenvolvimento social. Debati a suposição de que a criação do MDS teria propiciado o entrelaçamento de políticas estabelecendo um padrão de gerenciamento articulado com um projeto político de desenvolvimento social reconhecível, de tipo protetor e voltado à mitigação das condições de precariedade de vida da população. Adotei uma perspectiva longitudinal e o método de process tracing (COLLIER, 2011) na discussão das ocorrências e sua avaliação como evidências. Entendi que a criação e as mudanças institucionais são processos que passam por diferentes caminhos: da persistência de padrões com acréscimos incrementais até extinções e momentos ruptivos. No decurso argumentativo, examinei o desenvolvimento institucional das três áreas em estudo, discuti os caminhos paralelos de construção, suas sequências diferentes e condições que apresentaram quando se chegou à reconfiguração organizacional decorrente da criação do ministério de desenvolvimento social e combate à fome, em 2004. O MDS adquiriu um nível aceitável de autoridade para coordenação de planos e programas prioritários, dependente da agenda do executivo, e isso contribuiu para incentivos à integração, mesmo que apenas no plano normativo. Essa despretensiosa unificação acabou criando um corpo de coordenação diferenciado para conduzir a agenda social dos últimos governos. Assim, o MDS estruturou o espaço de rede de proteção no brasil, com primazia do estado, seja na mitigação de condições precárias de certos segmentos populacionais, seja no fortalecimento de serviços básicos na garantia de direitos. A cooperação entre as instâncias governamentais não se constitui em característica própria do funcionamento do aparelho estatal moderno, o que torna o entrelaçamento de políticas, apesar de um consenso discursivo, um processo inabitual/ incomum que requer maior esforço de articulação. / This dissertation discusses three intertwining areas of social policy social Assistance, food security, and income transfer programs in relation to the recently formed Ministry of Social Development and Fight against Hunger (MDS) in Brazils post-democratization period (1988-present). I analyze how these social policy programs combined, interpenetrated, and ultimately coalesced under the same ministerial institutional locus, bringing forth a renewed discussion on social development. I started the research with the assumption that the creation of the MDS would have promoted hybridization of the policies, thus establishing a consolidated management system with a recognizable social development project united in its focus on improving living conditions for the most precarious sectors of the population. The assumption was based on the idea that the merging of the institutional locus for social policies could increase their interdependence, open new possibilities for working together, require negotiation of existing resources and priorities, and thereby result in institutional changes for all three policy areas. I adopted a longitudinal perspective and the process tracing method (COLLIER, 2011) for events and their evaluation as evidence. I conceptualized the creation and evolution of institutions as processes that may follow different paths: from persistence of patterns with incremental additions to extinctions and ruptures. My findings challenge the prevailing literature that suggests that cooperation between government bodies is rarely observed in the modern state apparatus. The conditions under which disparate policy domains are interwoven was in need of greater scholarly attention. My findings show that the MDS acquired enough legitimacy to coordinate once-atomized plans and priority programs that aligned with the executive agenda. This authority contributed to the incentive to integrate, even if only in normative terms. This unification created a distinctive coordination body for recent administrations social agendas. Thus, through the actions of a strong and integrating state, the MDS strengthened the social safety net in Brazil, mitigating hardships for the most precarious segments of the population, and improving access to basic services as rights.

Bodendegradation ist ein wachsendes Problem von Pakistan, die Biomasse Verlust verursacht und hat einen schlechten Einfluss auf die Wirtschaft des Landes. Nordöstlich von der Provinz Punjab, die berühmt für die Reisanbau ist, leidet auch mit diesem Problem. Zusammen mit einigen anderen Gründen, sind institutionelle Aufbau in den Regionen und der Landnutzungsänderungen der Hauptgründe für diesen Abbau. Obwohl das Land ist, die privaten Eigentümern, aber wegen der Störung der bestehenden Eigentumsrechte und die jüngste Stadterweiterung in der Region hat interfamiliären Konflikte zwischen Grundbesitzern im Zusammenhang mit Entfremdung Land provoziert. Diese Konflikte haben ein Potenzial von gefährden ländlichen Setup und der landwirtschaftlichen Produktion des Landes. Das Ziel der Studie ist es, diese Konflikte Ansatz, den Schwerpunkt auf die Notwendigkeit des institutionellen Wandels für die Nutzung von landwirtschaftlichen degradierten Flächen und mögliche Governance-Struktur für Land Umwandlung in Pakistan. Die Organe der Sustainability Framework von Hagedorn et al (2002) wird verwendet werden, und einige politische Empfehlungen gehen abgeleitet werden. / Land degradation is a growing problem of Pakistan, which causes biomass loss and has a bad effect on the economy of the country. Northeast of Punjab province, which is famous for the rice cultivation, is also suffering with this problem. Along with some other reasons, institutional setup in the regions and the land-use change are the main reasons of this degradation. Although the land is owned by private owners, but because of the malfunctioning of existing property rights and the recent urban expansion in region has provoked interfamily conflicts between landowners related to land alienation. These conflicts have a potential of jeopardising rural setup and agriculture production of the country. The aim of the study is to approach these conflicts, focus on the need of institutional change for the use of agricultural degraded lands and possible governance structure for land conversion in Pakistan. The Institutions of Sustainability Framework of Hagedorn et al (2002) will be employed and some policy recommendations are going to be derived

"Pseudodemokratie in Rußland" untersucht den Prozeß der Herausbildung regionaler politischer Institutionen in Rußland nach 1990. Die Arbeit geht dabei der Frage nach, welche Faktoren die Entstehung nicht-demokratischer Strukturen in den russischen Regionen ermöglicht haben. Empirische Grundlage der Untersuchung ist eine ausführliche Fallstudie der Republik Baschkortostan, die als eines der autoritärsten regionalen Regime in Rußland gilt. Als Schlüssel zur Erklärung des politisch-institutionellen Wandels wird die Rolle informeller Institutionen (Netzwerke, Verpflichtungsbeziehungen) und überkommener Strukturen aus dem alten System herausgestellt. Die Arbeit wendet sich damit einem in der Transformations- und Demokratisierungsforschung bislang zu wenig beachteten Problem zu, das indes sowohl demokratietheoretisch als auch reformpolitisch von entscheidender Bedeutung ist: Wie ist es zu erklären, daß selbst dort, wo Demokratisierung das Gebot der Stunde zu sein scheint, bloß pseudodemokratische, ihrem Wesen nach eher autoritäre Regime nicht nur entstehen, sondern sich sogar konsolidieren können? Im Unterschied zu Deutungen, die Demokratiedefizite pauschal kulturellen Mängeln zuschreiben oder sich auf den deskriptiven Verweis auf Elitenkontinuität beschränken, rückt diese Arbeit funktionale Gründe für die Bestandsfähigkeit eines autoritär-patrimonialen Regimes in der Vordergrund. Pseudodemokratien, so die zentrale These, können durchaus stabil sein, sofern sie in Zeiten raschen sozialen Wandels für wesentliche Teile der Elite zur Reduktion von Unsicherheit beitragen und ihnen gegenüber leistungsfähig sind. / "Pseudo-Democracy in Russia" analyses the emergence of regional political institutions in Russia after 1990. The study aims to explain which factors were instrumental in bringing about non-democratic structures in the Russian regions. Empirically, the analysis is based on an in-depth case study of the Republic of Bashkortostan which is widely regarded as one of the most authoritarian regional regimes in Russia. As key to explaining the particular way political institutions changed, the study highlights the role of informal institutions (such as networks of mutual commitment) as well as structural legacies of the old system. It addresses an almost neglected problem of transition and democratisation research which, at the same time, is of great importance for both democratisation theory and the design of reform policies: How is it possible that in an environment where democratisation seems to be the order of the day pseudo-democratic regimes that have more in common with authoritarianism than with democracy can not only emerge but even consolidate? In contrast to interpretations which account democratic deficits wholesale to cultural deficiencies or refer rather generally to elite continuity, this study stresses functional reasons for the stability of an authoritarian patrimonial regime. The central argument is that pseudo-democracies can be stable if in times of rapid social change they contribute toward a reduction of uncertainty for significant parts of the elite and remain able to deliver benefits to them.

Vor dem Hintergrund der aktuellen Herausforderungen im Management natürlicher Ressourcen und dem Bedarf geeigneter Institutionen, um diesen Herausforderungen gerecht zu werden, untersucht die vorliegende Arbeit ein Managementsystem für Wasserressourcen im Bundesstaat Wyoming, USA. Die Autorin untersucht die über 100-jährige Geschichte der Wasserrechte im landwirtschaftlichen Bewässerungssektor. Die Studie zeigt, wie und warum die Verfügungsrechte zwischen privaten Nutzern und der staatlichen Administration hin und her geschoben wurden und welche Konsequenzen dies brachte. Sie kommt zu dem Schluss, dass das System im Laufe des letzten Jahrhunderts gegenüber seinem Hauptzweck – der Bewässerung – als resilient gelten kann. Was jedoch andere neuere Funktionen angeht, im Besonderen die Nutzung ohne Verbrauch ist das System als weniger resilient einzustufen. Die Arbeit trägt zu einer Weiterentwicklung der Theorien des institutionellen Wandels bei. Die Autorin zeigt die Wichtigkeit von extremen physischen Bedingungen, wie geringer Niederschlagsmenge, kurzen Wachstumsperioden oder schwierigen Bodenverhältnissen, für den institutionellen Wandel. Solche Gegebenheiten können zu pfadabhängigen Veränderungen führen. Gleichzeitig diktieren sie den Rahmen, innerhalb dessen ein stärkerer institutioneller Wandel im natürlichen Ressourcenmanagement möglich wäre. / Given the need for institutions managing natural resources that can be foundations for dealing with challenges like climate change, this dissertation examines more than 100 years of a water resource management system in the Western U.S., in the state of Wyoming. The dissertation identifies the key actors in this system as water users and the water administrators in the state government. The study determines that the Wyoming system distributes property rights in water between users and the state. The study finds that over a century the system has proved itself resilient towards its most longstanding users, in irrigated agriculture. However, the system has lacked a resilient response to new demands, particularly non-consumptive uses of water. In a contribution to theories of institutional change, the dissertation demonstrates the important role in natural resource management systems played by harsh physical conditions such as lack of precipitation, short growing seasons, and difficult terrain. These conditions can create path dependency and dictate the circumstances that allow path-breaking in natural resource management institutions.

Le Grand Paris est une utopie en 2001, utopie qui va jouer un rôle moteur dans le changement de l’ordre institutionnel francilien de l’aménagement du territoire dans la décennie (2001-2012). Cette idée se manifeste dans trois processus menés conjointement : 1. une politique de coopération entre élus locaux mise en place par la Ville de Paris dès 2001 ; 2. un projet d’aménagement du territoire dès 2004 avec la révision du schéma directeur d’Ile-de-France, et dès 2008 avec un projet gouvernemental d’aménagement ; 3. un projet de réforme institutionnelle de changement d’échelle avec la création d’un gouvernement métropolitain. L’idée Grand Paris se matérialise par la mise en oeuvre d’un gigantesque réseau de transports publics autour de Paris depuis2010 et par une institution métropolitaine en 2014. Ces réalisations trouvent leurs racines dans les luttes institutionnelles et politiques de la décennie 2000.Cette monographie sur le Grand Paris illustre la problématique du changement d’échelle en contexte de forte concurrence entre métropoles mondiales. A travers l’analyse du système d’acteurs publics (en particulier la Ville de Paris, les maires de l’agglomération, le Conseil régional d’Ile-de-France et l’Etat), il s’agit de comprendre quels sont les usages du Grand Paris par ces acteurs,comment se construisent leurs représentations, et quels sont les blocages institutionnels contre la montée en puissance de l’échelon politique métropolitain. On montrera que l’on peut combiner utilement les trois variables d’analyse du changement que sont les intérêts, les idées et les institutions pour comprendre ce que révèle le problème public « Grand Paris » de l’évolution des relations entre l’Etat, la ville de Paris et le Conseil régional d’Ile-de-France. / The Greater Paris in in 2001 an utopia. However this planning vision for Paris has brought major changes to the Ile-de-France governance regarding urban development from 2001 to 2012. Three processes jointly carried out illustrate this idea: 1- Since 2001 the City of Paris has been encouraging cooperation between local elected representatives. 2- The Ile-de-France regional development plan has been reviewed since 2004 and as of 2008 a governmental urban development project has been formulated. 3- A new governance project which includes the creation of a metropolitan government has been discussed. The Greater Paris project has led to a new ambitious public transportation plan for its suburbs (2010) and the creation of a metropolitan government(2014). All of these achievements are the result of institutional and political conflicts from the last decade.This monography on the Greater Paris illustrates the issue of urban change of scale in thecontext of increased competition between cities. It aims at understanding the standpoints of public actors (the City of Paris, local mayors, the Ile-de-France region, the State): how they intend to use the Greater Paris idea, how they build up their representations of it and what are the institutional resistance against a metropolitan government. The analytical frame of this study combines three change variables - interests, ideas and institutions – to better understand how the Greater Paris project has changed the regional governance (2001-2012).

Since the 1980s, practically all of the western welfare states have developed social policies, which aim at shifting the responsibilities for welfare services from the state to the family, the civil society or to the market. In Sweden, this political transformation has particularly hit the public eldercare. In the last twenty years, the percentage of the population 65 years and older receiving public home help services in Sweden has decreased from 23 to 8 per cent at the same time as the number of beds in hospitalized eldercare has been heavily reduced. Moreover, during the course of the 2000s, the majority of the Swedish municipalities have reintroduced means testing of the eldercare based on whether the elderly have relatives or not that can perform the services. Parallel with these downsizes in the publicly financed and organized eldercare; privately produced eldercare services have increased, carried out by large and internationally own business corporations. Based on an theoretical framework, which combines the historical approach within the neo-institutional research tradition with a discursive method of analysis, this thesis explores if the period from the 1980s and onwards has been a formative moment in Swedish eldercare during which new ideas have become embedded in the institutional frameworks regulating the division of responsibility for eldercare services between the state, the family and the market. To examine if and how the municipalities, which are principally responsible for organizing and financing the public eldercare in Sweden, have implemented the change in ideas that have emerged in national politics since the 1980s, the thesis also examines how the eldercare has developed in two of Sweden’s municipalities since the 1980s. The results of the thesis demonstrates that the period from the 1980s and onwards has been a formative moment in the Swedish eldercare during which new ideas regarding the public responsibility for eldercare service have emerged and become institutionalized. Since the 1980s, senior citizens’ need for care has increasingly been re-interpreted from a public to a private issue with the consequence that today, their need for certain services, in particular those related to housework, are no longer regarded to be a public responsibility but a private matter that the elderly will have to solve, either by buying the services on the market, or, by asking relatives for help and assistance. The main problem connected with this reprivatization of senior citizens’ need for care is, however, that as the state has withdrawn its responsibility, women, in their role of being wives, daughters, or daughters-in-laws, have been forced to step in as informal and unpaid providers of care. Therefore, regardless of political reigns and modes of production, women have been forced to taken on an increasingly larger responsibility for their elderly relatives.

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本研究以文獻分析法及實地訪談法等方式，以剖析台灣原住民族土地財產權制度從共同所有到個別所有的演變關係。研究主題包括：一、明析原住民族土地財產權制度演變歷程的要因與結果；二、明析日治時期迄今，不同統治者標舉「理蕃」政策或山地政策所隱含的決策目的，及統治者實現其決策目的採取的行為措施，暨這些決策目的與行為措施如何影響原住民族土地財產權制度演變；三、明析原住民族土地財產權制度演變的結果，對於原住民族的發展造成何種影響。 透過上述研究主題，希望達成三點目的：一、分析日治時期迄今，原住民族土地財產權制度從共同所有演變為個別所有的過程、原因與結果，俾能連貫相關文獻的成果；二、分析日治時期迄今，統治政權賦予原住民族土地權利所隱含的決策目的、採取的行為措施，及其影響原住民族土地財產權制度演變之進程，以檢討「理蕃」政策或山地政策是否達成為原住民族謀求福祉的目標；三、分析原住民族土地財產權制度演變對於原住民族發展的影響，以供未來重新建構原住民族土地財產權制度的參考。 研究進行期間，除蒐集並整理研析關於原住民族土地財產權制度之相關文獻，作為建立研究架構及佐證研究內容之基礎外，更深入山地鄉瞭解原住民族對土地財產權問題之意見，俾使論證內容更為周延有據。茲摘述研究發現如次： 一、日治初期原住民族社會慣行的土地財產權制度方面 （一）部落為領域內土地財產權最大的共同所有團體。 （二）部落內耕地、獵地或漁區歸屬組成部落之社經團體共同所有。 （三）組成社經團體之家族（家庭）享有其範圍內土地之使用、收益權。 （四）共同所有之土地財產權，無繼受問題；惟土地之支配、管理者隨部落或社經團體之領導者更迭而變更。 （五）土地之使用、收益權，依各族群之家產法則繼受。 二、土地財產權制度演變對於原住民族發展之影響方面 （一）原住民族產權領域急遽限縮，個別原住民使用保留地的權利範圍亦趨於微小，平均每人不超過3甲土地。 （二）原住民族土地利用型態，由日治初期之「半耕、半獵」變成目前的定耕農業。 （三）原住民族與平地人民的所得差距，益趨擴大，且所得來源以非農業收入為主。另者，山地原住民仰賴保留地為生甚深，但其土地生產力仍屬偏低。顯示賦予原住民族土地財產權個別所有，仍無法提昇其經濟能力。 三、不同時期政府政策影響原住民族土地財產權制度演變之比較方面 （一）日治時期統治者之「理蕃」政策以攫取山地資源，回饋其宗主國經濟需求為要；光復時期統治者之山地政策在於維持原住民族社會安定，以鞏固政權為要。 （二）日治時期統治者之決策措施為「理蕃」措施；光復時期統治者之決策措施為山地政策措施。 （三）日治時期統治者之執行機制，以武力裝備的山地警察為主；光復時期統治者以不具武力裝備的一般行政機關為之。 四、詮釋分析觀點之事實方面 （一）制度的建立與發展具有累積性的「相互依存」特性，因此日治時期形成高砂族保留地制度授予保留地個別使用權，或光復時期形成原住民保留地制度賦予保留地個別產權，不同時期政府均事先實施相關「理蕃」措施或山地政策措施配合之。 （二）「資源攫取」為影響殖民政府是否實踐、落實「給予一定土地，使其耕種就業」之「理蕃」政策理想的重要因素。 （三）「政權鞏固」為影響政府實踐、落實「改善原住民族生計能力，提高其地位」之山地政策理想，及積極進行增劃編保留地的重要因素。 （四）殖民政府或我政府在面對各種主客觀條件時，均會權衡利弊得失而採取不同方法、手段、措施來趨利避禍、自求多福，以謀求自身最大的福祉與利益。 （五）在原住民族土地財產權演變過程中，因統治者界定高砂族保留地時缺乏考量原住民族傳統土地財產權觀念，且這些觀念仍發揮指導原住民族使用土地的作用，因此殖民政府根本未能有效監督、管理高砂族越界開墾之情事。 綜合本研究之論證與分析，歸納下列幾點結論： 一、日治初期原住民族社會以部落及部落內各種社經組織共同所有土地財產權，而組織成員則享有土地之使用、收益權能，並透過這套原住民族社會公認的土地財產權制度約束其內部的行為規範，達到維持社會秩序，減低護衛土地財產權的交易成本功效。 二、從討論分析瞭解，不同時期政府實施「理蕃」政策及山地政策的結果，未能達成為原住民族謀福祉的政策理想。其因在於，「理蕃」政策以掠奪山地利源為要；而山地政策以鞏固政權為考量，均在謀求統治者自身最大的利益，造成原住民族權益的損失。 三、日治時期迄今，原住民族土地財產權制度從共同所有演變為個別所有的結果，造成原住民族土地財產權不斷流失，且未能有效提昇其經濟能力，使得原住民族之地位日趨沒落。因此，保留地制度及保留地財產權型態允宜適度調整，未來可考量留設一定面積保留地，土地財產權改賦原住民族共同所有，以確保原住民族賴以生存的機盤，並維護其文化存續發展。 四、原住民族土地財產權制度變遷的過程，衍生原住民族與平地人民對於保留地財產權之爭議，政府宜妥適圓滿解決，創造族群共榮的多元社會。 五、本研究以「資源攫取」、「政權鞏固」及「制度相依」等因素分析原住民族土地財產權制度演變的觀點，均能從相關事實獲得合理詮釋。 / This dissertation conducted extensive literature research and field interviews in an attempt to explore the changes from the tribe ownership to the private ownership system of Taiwan aborigines’ land ownership right. The themes and the expected accomplishments of this research include the following: 1. To study the history and current status of Taiwan aboriginal land ownership right, to analyze the causes and consequences of the changes in the past, and to verify the findings with other scholars’ arguments in the literature. 2. To study the ruling mentality, rationale, policies and regulations towards Taiwan aborigines from the Japanese occupants to the ROC government, to analyze the impacts of these policies on Taiwan aboriginal land ownership right, and to explore whether Taiwan aborigines have benefited from such policies and regulations. 3. To study the overall impacts on Taiwan aborigines’ economical and cultural development, which was resulted from the changes to their land ownership right through the execution of different policies. The findings of this research could serve as recommendations to the government in setting up revised aboriginal land reservation policies for Taiwan aborigines. Through extensive literature research and field interviews with a few senior Taiwan aborigines about their memories, comments, and expectations with respect to aboriginal land ownership right, the following facts can be summarized: 1. The Land Ownership Right Before Japanese Occupancy a. The tribe leaders rule the land within a tribe’s territory. b. Each piece of farmland, hunting field, and fishing field belongs to a societal/economical group within a tribe. c. The societal/economical group has the right to farm or hunt on their assigned lands and owns the produce from the lands. d. Because the land is owned by a societal/economical group, there is no inheritance issue. The managing of the land is by the leader of the group. e. Traditionally members in a societal/economical group have the right to farm/hunt on a piece of land as well as to own the produce from the land. 2. The Impact of Land Ownership Right Changes on the Development of Taiwan Aborigines a. The land ownership right policies have limited the accessibility of Taiwan aborigines to land resources. Each aborigine has access to less than three aches of reserved land. b. The land reservation policy limited the aborigines to farm within their reserved land have changed the aborigines’ life style from half time farming and half time hunting to full time farming. c. Because productivity of each aborigine farm on his own reserved land is very low, the gap between the average income of aborigines and nonaborigines has been widening. Besides, the majority of aborigines’ income should come from non-agricultural sources. This reflects the fact that giving aborigines a piece of reserved land did not benefit them economically. 3. The Comparison of Different Land Ownership Right Policies by Different Governments a. The Japanese occupants’ aboriginal policy focused on seizing Taiwan’s mineral, forestry, and agricultural resources. While the ROC government’s aboriginal policy was only reactively trying to keep the stability of the aborigines. b. The Japanese occupant’s aboriginal policy was to “manage” Taiwan aborigines. While the ROC government’s aboriginal policy was a land reservation policy. c. The Japanese occupants ordered armed policemen to implement its aboriginal policy. While the ROC government’s aboriginal policy was executed by civilian officials in local governments. 4. Some Observations a. The Taiwan aboriginal policies by the ROC government and the Japanese occupants have its relationship. The Japanese occupants adopted land reservation policy for the aborigines, which led to private use of reserved lands. The ROC government has consequently adopted a more extensive land reservation policy for aborigines, which led to private ownership of reserved land by all aborigines. The policy of awarding private use privilege of land to aborigines by both governments had always been accompanied by the intention to manage the aborigines. b. Seizing Taiwan’s natural resources was the real agenda by the Japanese occupants behind their slogan of “awarding aborigines land to farm”. c. Maintaining the ROC government’s ruling power was the main interest behind her aboriginal policy of “improving aborigines’ quality of life and social status”. d. Even though the Japanese occupants and the ROC government chose different means and regulations to implement different aboriginal policies, avoiding pressures and satisfying their own agenda was what’s driving their aboriginal policies. e. The Japanese occupants did not appreciate Taiwan aborigines’ perception of land while awarding reserved lands to the aborigines. However the Taiwan aborigines disrespected the boundary of their reserved land, and the issue became unmanageable. Conclusions 1. Before the Japanese occupancy, Taiwan aboriginal tribes and the social/economical groups within the tribes rule the land they use. Members in a social/economical group have usage rights over a piece of land, and own the produce from that land. Because this system was well respected by all aborigines, there was little conflict or social cost with respect to land ownership right. 2. The past aboriginal policies failed to improve the aborigines’ quality of life. The interests of the two governments were either to seize Taiwan’s resources or to secure the ruling government’s political power. Taiwan aborigines’ welfare was sacrificed. 3. Taiwan aborigines’ perception about land ownership right changed from commonly owned by everybody to pieces of privately owned land. This reservation land policy for aborigines not only against the aborigines’ philosophy and lifestyle, but also violated economic principles of efficiency and productivity. Another conflict of interests arose due to competing over the reserved land to the aborigines by the nonaborigines. The land resources reserved for the aborigines have long been diminishing. Consequently, most Taiwan aborigines suffer from economic hardship and social disadvantage. 4. This research has explored the problems in the disputes land reservation policy for the aborigines. The following two recommendations are suggested: a. The government should actively resolve all over the reserved land for the aborigines. This can give back to the aborigines such land they deserve for generations. Resolving land disputes can also improve the relationship between all residence in Taiwan. b. Knowing the disadvantages of privately owning reserved land by aborigines, this research recommends that the government allocates additional portion from the total reserved land to the aborigines, which can be managed by aboriginal tribes and shared by all aborigines. Increasing the accessibility to more natural resources by aborigines will be a direct measure to improve Taiwan aborigines’ economic income, while in the same time, preserve their pride and cultural heritage. 5. This research has based on theories of “seizure of natural resources”, “securing governing power”, and “institutional dependence” to analyze the changes in Taiwan’s aboriginal land ownership right, and its negative impact to Taiwan aborigines’ life. Recommendations to government with respect to modifying the current aboriginal land policy were suggested.